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LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 





id 



LIFE OF 

EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

2 political l5io(jrap]^t 



BY 

JAMES O. LYFORD 




BOSTON 

DANA ESTES & COMPANY 
PUBLISHERS 



& !o 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS 


Two Copies Received 


NOV 12 


1906 


Copyrleht Entry 
^l,rv. J A. /9 L 


CUSS a. 


XXc, No, 


COPY 


r5 

B. 



'^-\sV^^ 



Copyright, igob 
By Dana Estes & Company 

All rights reserved 



Colonial Press 

Electrotyped and Printed by C. H. Simonds & Co. 
Boston, U. S. A. 



PREFACE 



For nearly seventy-five years after the government 
was founded, the principal gateway of political prefer- 
ment was through training at the bar. When in the 
fifties slavery agitation broke the solidarity of old 
political parties, it brought to the front new leaders. 
It was not the men of the legal profession, trained as 
they were to respect precedent, who were first moved, 
as a rule, to break away from party ties and embark 
in a movement which promised neither political emolu- 
ment nor honor. Therefore, it occurred that voices 
hitherto silent and men unaccustomed to lead came or 
were forced to the front to give utterance and direc- 
tion to the crusade against slavery. They stepped 
from all walks of life. They were tribunes of the 
people. They spoke as they were moved to speak by 
the intensity of their feelings, and they began the or- 
ganization of their scattered forces into an aggressive 
army which they led through successive defeats *to final 
victory. 

Cooperating with Lincoln, Seward, Chase, Sumner, 
and Hale, intellectual giants trained for the bar, there 
were, from other callings, such men as Henry Wilson, 
Nathaniel P. Banks, Zachariah Chandler, Justin S. 



VI PREFACE 

Morrill, Simon Cameron, and Edward H. Rollins; 
men who in their respective States did the great work 
of detail so essential to the success of any onward 
movement. If they were not leaders in enunciating 
principles and debating constitutional questions, they 
were great lieutenants in mobilizing and marshalling 
the people for the contest. They directed the polit- 
ical campaigns of their States, and they were advisers 
whose counsel was sought in national contests. It was 
such men as these who were dra^vn to the support of 
Lincoln in preference to Seward at the E^ational Re- 
publican Convention of 1860, who sustained the Pres- 
ident during the trying war period, who represented 
the business interests of the country, who assisted in 
shaping national platforms, and whose help was vitally 
essential in those days of peril. 

With the triumph of the Republican party, these 
men came to share in political lionor^, and many of 
them sooner or later were sent to represent the people 
in the national House or Senate. Their services were 
useful and patriotic, and their judgment important 
to the cause they had at heart. They were practical 
men and men of affairs. They helped to shape legis- 
lation. They kept in touch with the public pulse. 
They were active both at Washington and at home. 
They were indefatigable workers. They inspired war 
meetings. They looked after the comfort of the 
soldiers. They reconciled differences in the party, and 
they were serviceable in many unrecorded ways. 

As history is now written, it does not focus wholly 



PREFACE Vll 

on the central stars of any era, but is distributed over 
all the people. The initiative and execution of able 
lieutenants and the thoughts and responses of those 
in the ranks are often essential to the correct under- 
standing of the period under consideration. 

To tell of one having a political career beginning 
at the birth of the Republican party, identified for 
a generation with the victories of that party in ]^ew 
Hampshire, for years managing its political campaigns, 
possessing the confidence of Lincoln, Stanton, and 
other great leaders of that epoch, rising by the force 
of his own personality to the highest political honors 
of his State, successively Speaker of the K^ew Hamp- 
shire legislature, member of Congress for three terms, 
and United States Senator, is to summarize the polit- 
ical history of the State for a most interesting period. 

The life of Edward H. Rollins is written, therefore, 
along the line of his activities. Consequently, the polit- 
ical campaigns from 1855 to 1883, of which he was 
a prominent factor, have been given in brief outline. 
This helps to a proper understanding of his career, 
besides affording opportunity for collecting and pre- 
serving facts connected with the political history of 
New Hampshire for this period which, except for a 
work of this -kind, are not likely to be gathered to- 
gether. So far as the scope of this work would permit, 
a side-light is thrown upon Rollins's contemporaries, 
both Republicans and Democrats. In doing this, 
opinion has been more freely expressed about those 
whose life-work, like his own, is completed. If Rollins 



Vlll PREFACE 

ap23ears as the central figure, it is because it is his 
biography that is being written, and not the history 
of the Republican party of New Hampshire. It has 
not been the purpose to accord him a position beyond 
his deserts or to minimize the part of others in the 
politics of the State during a very eventful period of 
our history. 

Edward H. Eollins was the architect of his own 
career. For the most part he was self-instructed. The 
best of his -years were spent in the public service. The 
State of Xew Hampshire was his pride, and to her 
interests he devoted a large part of his life. 

It was the privilege of the writer to be intimately 
associated with Senator Eollins during the later years 
of his activity both in ISTew Hampshire and at the capi- 
tal of the nation, and through early interest and par- 
ticipation in the political affairs of the Granite State 
to have met personally most of his contemporaries. This 
intimacy extended as well to the Kollins's family life. 
It is gratifying to find that the impression formed of 
him as a public man and a citizen during those earlier 
years is confirmed by this later review of the period 
in which he lived. It is largely from appreciation of 
his services to the State which gave him birth that this 
biography is undertaken. There has been no attempt 
to eulogize him, but rather to present to the reader the 
story of an eventful epoch in ISTew Hampshire, with the 
conviction that the recital of Senator Eollins's part 
therein will prove to be the strongest tribute that can 
be paid to him. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER 

Preface ..... 

I. The Times and the Leader 

II. Ancestry and Early Life . 

III. Entrance upon a Political Career 

IV. Political Alliances 
V. A Candidate for Congress 

VI. Election to Congress . 

VII. In the Thirty- sea^enth Congress 

VIII. Reelection to Congress 

IX. In the Thirty -eighth Congress 

X. Third Election to Congress 

XI. In the Thirty - ninth Congress 

XII. Rollins Resumes the Chairmanship 

XIII. Hostility TO the Organization 

XIV. The Republican Party's Defeat 
XV. The Republican Party Reorganized 

XVI. Resigns as Chairman of the State Com 
mittee ...... 

XVII. A Democratic Triumph 

XVIII. Rollins Again at the Helm 

XIX. RoLLiNs's Election as United States Sen 
ATOR ....... 

XX. Rollins in the Forty -fifth Congress 

XXI. Rollins in the Forty -sixth Congress 

XXII. Events in Neav Hampshire . 

XXIII. Rollins in the Forty -seventh Congress 



PAGE 

V 

11 

22 

38 

65 

88 

108 

121 

144 

158 

176 

187 

205 

221 

242 

255 

284 
303 
321 

352 
375 
397 
412 
432 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 



RoLLiNs's Last Campaign . . . . 

RoLLiNs's Defeat for Reelection 
RoLLiNs's Last Years . . . . . 

RoLLiNs's Family Life and Personal Traits 
Summary ....... 

Appendix : 

Descendants of Edward H. Rollins 

Officers of the Republican and Demo- 
cratic State Committees from 1856 
to 1905 

Addenda ....... 

Index ........ 



PAGE 

444 
457 
476 

488 
504 

517 



518 
533 
535 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



Edward PI. Rollins ..... Frontispiece ^ 

Daniel Rollins . . . . . . . . 28 ^ 

The West -Rollins House at Concord, N. H. . . 37-' 
Birthplace of E. II. Rollins ..... 491' 



LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 



CHAPTER I. 

THE TIMES AND THE LEADER 

Few of the generation now active in politics have 
knowledge of the important position occupied by N^ew 
Hampshire in the political contests of the country for 
nearly a quarter of a century succeeding the birth of 
the Republican party. Her elections were annual until 
1878. Occurring the second Tuesday of March, they 
were the first in the year, and therefore regarded as 
an index of popular feeling. During all this period 
the State was closely contested by the Republican and 
Democratic parties. The result being in doubt until 
the votes were counted, the eyes of the whole country 
were fixed upon ISTew Hampshire, and almost every 
election of the State became national in its character. 
State affairs were incidentally discussed by local 
speakers and by the press, but the all-absorbing issues 
were made by the national administration at Wash- 
ington. During the Civil War, when the approval of 

11 



12 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the people of the conduct of the war meant so much to 
Lincoln and Stanton, those great men watched with 
intense interest the progress of New Hampshire 
campaigns. The national committees of both parties 
aided in the canvass. Men of national reputation on 
both sides, leaders prominent in other States, distin- 
guished members of Congress, took part in the cam- 
paigns, speaking upon the stump. The State w^as 
visited by correspondents of leading metropolitan news- 
papers, Avho gave to their readers thrilling accounts of 
the campaigns, forecasting the result. The individual 
voter was scheduled in every town by school districts, 
and returns made to the party headquarters at Con- 
cord. So accurate was the Eepublican canvass that its 
State committee dared to publish in advance its fig- 
ures, sure that they w^ould be verified by the returns. 

The intensity and the excitement of these campaigns 
have never been exceeded in any State. The voter who 
was not willing to make his vocation or business sub- 
sidiary to politics was regarded as unpatriotic. Men 
gave freely of their time and money to carry elections. 
Absent voters were brought home, and they were 
numerous. Young men who went beyond the State 
limits to begin life did not abandon the parental home 
until they were married, and trace of them Avas kept, 
not only by the town committees, but in many instances 
by the State committee itself. Boston, the metropolis 
of NeAV England, drew many of the young men from 
Xew Hampshire. The preponderance of Eepublican- 
ism in Massachusetts had its influence upon not a few 



THE TIDIES AND THE LEADER 13 

of the young Democrats who drifted there. Their 
change of views was often known at Republican head- 
quarters at the capital, even before the intelligence 
reached the town where they voted. Then the local 
Republican committee was advised to send for the 
voter, and he appeared in town the morning of elec- 
tion, returning on a Republican voter's certificate, to 
the surprise of the local Democrats. It has been fre- 
quently said that the absent voters carried the State 
Republican in many a close election. This is un- 
doubtedly true, and it was owing to the superior or- 
ganization of the Republican party, with its better 
knowledge of individual voters and its systematic 
effort to have every vote count. The importance of 
one vote was emphasized in almost every letter or 
circular sent out by the Republican State committee. 
If the election of Marcus Morton as Governor of 
Massachusetts by one majority was cited once by the 
Republican leaders and newspapers, it was a thousand 
times, to point to the importance of individual action. 
The campaigns, until 1878, occurred in midwinter, 
the conventions being held in December or January. 
Travelling by rail and in the highways was frequently 
blocked by snow-storms, mails were delayed and com- 
munication cut off for several days with some sections 
of the State. No inclemency of the weather, however, 
dampened the ardor. Many towns in those days had 
to be reached by long rides in stages, or by private 
teams. It was before the time of telephones, and the 
telegraph was but little used. Correspondence was con- 



14 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

ducted without the sei'vice of stenographers or type- 
writers, yet all the minutiae of town politics was under 
advice from State headquarters. No locality was so 
unimportant as to be omitted from the care of the State 
committee. 

Then there was the stump speaking. Every one in 
the State on both sides who could enlighten an audience 
was drafted into service, while the best oratorical talent 
was drawn from the country at large. Toward the 
close of the campaigTi, the announcements of meetings 
for the week filled several columns of the newspapers. 
So great was the interest that halls were not large 
enough to hold the gatherings. In one campaign in 
the sixties, the late Senator Daniel W. Voorhees, of 
Indiana, was advertised to speak at Loudon. The 
largest hall was the church, and not half of the people 
congregating could gain admittance. A window of the 
church was taken out, a temporary platform laid across 
the window-sill, and, standing in the window. Senator 
Voorhees addressed both the crowd inside and outside 
the church. Such experiences were not uncommon. 
In those days the people of New Hampshire had the 
pleasure of listening to the great leaders on both sides. 
In the published lists of stump speakers in various 
campaigns will be found such names as Abraham Lin- 
coln, Stephen A. Douglas, Hannibal Hamlin, Thomas 
A. Hendricks, Henry Wilson, Frank P. Blair, Salmon 
P. Chase, Zachariah Chandler, Montgomery Blair, 
Anson S. Burlingame, Thomas Ewing, Jr., Andrew G. 
Curtin, James R. Doolittle, Nathaniel P. Banks, John 



THE TIMES AND THE LEADER 15 

B. Gordon, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, Galusba A. Grow, 
John A. Andrew, William B. Allison, Joseph R. Haw- 
ley, Daniel E. Sickles, Horace Maynard, Daniel W. 
Voorhees, James G. Blaine, Eugene Hale, William P. 
Frye, Benjamin F. Butler, Henry L, Dawes, Richard 
O'Gorman, James A. Garfield, James W. Nye, Lot M. 
Morrill, John A. Bingham, William W. Eaton, Patrick 
A. Collins, John Covode, George G. Gorham, Frederick 
Douglass, Julius C. Burrows, Edward F. Xoyes, and 
Richard Oglesby. 

In addition to conducting such a speaking campaign, 
the State committees prepared the ballots and sent them 
to each town. This was no easy task when care had 
to be taken that they did not fall into the hands of the 
enemy in season to counterfeit and distribute on elec- 
tion day, to the confusion of the voter. It was no in- 
frequent occurrence for local leaders to call attention 
to spurious ballots at the opening of town meeting, 
ballots which had the insignia of one party at their 
head and perhaps the names of some of its candidates, 
but with the names of opposing candidates interjected 
here and there on the ticket. 

The Republicans always made their fight for the con- 
trol of the legislature, or, more particularly speaking, 
for a majority of the House of Representatives. It 
took a majority vote to elect State Senators, Council- 
lors, and governors. If there was no choice by the 
people in Senatorial or Councillor districts or of gov- 
ernor, the majority in the legislature filled the vacan- 
cies thus arising. The meeting opened in each town or 



16 LIFE OF EDA\"ARD H. ROLLINS 

ward with the hallot for moderator, and this became 
the test vote. The party electing its moderator usually 
carried with it the representative and the town officers. 
Before the towns of Gilmanton, Sanbornton, and Gil- 
ford, for example, were divided, seven or eight hundred 
voters gathered in each town to contest the election. 
So firm was the alignment, and so close the issue, that 
in these and other towns of the State the voters often 
balloted all day for the choice of moderator, frequently 
having a tie vote. Here again the importance of the 
one vote was brought home. The one vote in the town 
might elect the moderator and the representative, and 
the one representative might control the legislature. 

The State committee, and in such matters the com- 
mittee meant its chairman or guiding spirit, had to 
reconcile difPerences in towns arising out of the con- 
flicting ambition of men to go to the legislature. It 
was these personal appeals from headquarters for har- 
mony, for the burial of animosities, with promise to 
interfere next time in behalf of the disappointed, that 
contributed largely to saving the day in an important 
campaign. 

Well-nigh perfect as was the Republican organiza- 
tion in those years, it was almost equalled in effective- 
ness by the cohesion and discipline of the Democratic 
party, led by Harry and George A. Bingham, John G. 
Sinclair, John H. George, John M. Hill, John W. 
Sanborn, Frank Jones, and other strong, energetic, and 
adroit men, some of whom, like Henry O. Kent, were 
originally Republicans. The Democratic party was a 



THE TIMES AND THE LE.VDER IT 

dangerous antagonist. Successive defeats never chilled 
its efforts or abated its zeal. Its leaders were alert, 
trappy, sagacious, and ready to seize upon a mistake 
and count it to their advantage. They were aided by 
a vigilant newspaper press which had its readers in 
every hamlet. Every act of the legislature, every ap- 
pointment of the governor, was closely analyzed, and 
the vote of every member of the legislature scrutinized, 
especially if he were a new member and a candidate 
for reelection, as was the custom, " To die a year- 
ling," as it was called, — that is, to fail of reelection, 
— was a political disgrace, and the care of the party 
managers extended even to a supervision of every mem- 
ber of the legislature. Politics permeated ever)'thing 
year in and year out. The close election whetted the 
appetite of the minority and increased their efforts in 
the next campaign. 

It is still a marvel how year after year, with the two 
exceptions of 1871 and 1874, the Republican party 
held control of the State by the narrowest of margins. 
There were seasons when it seemed as if victory must 
perch on the Democratic banner. There were critical 
times in the Civil War period when successive Union 
defeats in the field gave Democratic victories all over 
the country except in New Hampshire. There were 
years of the Grant administrations when dishonesty of 
federal officials, mistakes of Republican Congresses, and 
party quarrels overturned doubtful and strong Repub- 
lican States, but New Hampshire stood true through 
it all to the Republican cause. There were unfortunate 



18 



. LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 



nominations made by Js^ew Hampshire Kepublicans 
which at the outset threatened the loss of the State. At 
such times Democratic activity would be doubled. Its 
hurrah was the loudest, its meetings the largest, the 
vigor of its newspapers the most pronounced. Yet, 
somehow, by the hardest kind of work the Eepublicans 
would rally, stand closer together, become aggressors, 
turn the flank or break the centre of the enemy, and 
the election would be won. The voter who has just 
come of age has no conception of the political cam- 
paigning which occurred in New Hampshire from 
1856 to within a decade of the present century. It has 
not its counterpart in any State during the entire his- 
tory of the country. The nearest approach to it has 
been in the State of Indiana, but in that State there 
have been no victories like those won in New Hamp- 
shire largely through the superiority of party organiza- 
tion and the tactful skill of the chairman or directing 
spirit of the State committee. 

The Republican organization of New Hampshire 
was created by Edward H. Rollins, who was the first 
chairman of its State committee, and during the early 
life of the party the work of organizing it and con- 
ducting its campaigns was largely done by him, aided 
by Sylvester Dana and William E. Chandler as secre- 
taries. The headquarters for several years was in the 
back room of Rollins's drug store on Main Street, in 
Concord, on the site of what is now the New Hamp- 
shire Savings Bank Building. 

The work of creating a new political party is at all 



THE TIMES AND THE LExUDER 



19 



imes one calling for the largest executive ability. The 
•reation must he from the ground up. Even with sla- 
:ery as a momentum, in the fifties, an immense amount 
)f laborious detail was necessary to bring the deserters 
horn the two old parties together. The old line Whig 
md the Democrat of years' standing, with antago- 
Qisms of a lifetime, did not readily coalesce and work 
in harmony. Recruits were welcome, but individuals 
frequently overrated their own importance to the new 
party. There were conflicting ambitions, jealousies, 
differences as to methods, all of which had to be ad- 
justed by some directing force. Without such direc- 
tion, individual enthusiasm and effort frequently go 
to waste. As essential as the orator and the writer, 
who announce, define, and advocate great principles, 
is the practical man of affairs, — he who has knowledge 
of men, who effectively organizes them into a working 
body, who is a good judge of public opinion, and who 
mobilizes the supporters of an idea into a successful 
force. It was here that the service of Edward H. Rol- 
lins to the Republican party of New Hampshire was 
greatest. He builded an organization which in service 
outlived his own time. New issues and new leaders 
came, but the fruit of his work continued in the chan- 
nels into which he had directed it. In the eighties 
there came from Maine and other States Republicans 
who sought the secret of Republican organization m 
New Hampshire, an organization Avhich had so continu- 
ously under adverse circumstances won victories over 
a most vigilant and aggressive foe. 



20 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Recalling these exciting political campaigns in Xew 
Hampshire and Rollins's part therein, Senator Eugene 
Hale, of Maine, says: 

" I think my earliest acquaintance with the late Sen- 
ator Rollins was somewhere in the seventies, when ISTew 
Hampshire held her annual elections in March, and 
when all the available stump speakers were sent there 
by the N^ational Committee to talk for the Republican 
cause. I have spent weeks there in these campaigns, 
driving out from the railroad towns to the smaller 
country centres, with the snow so deep that the tops of 
the fences could not be seen. Mr. Rollins managed 
these campaigiis with great ability, and his figures and 
predictions on the night before the election sometimes 
came out within one hundred votes of the actual result. 
He was an ardent Republican, a fine manager and or- 
ganizer, and if the last vote was not got out in New 
Hampshire it was no fault of his." 

The life of Edward H. Rollins was a prominent part 
of the political history of Xew Hampshire from the 
time of the birth of the Republican party, in 185 G, un- 
til his retirement from the United States Senate, in 
1883. There were but few of the important political 
campaigns of that period of which he was not the guid- 
ing spirit of the Republican party. He lost no political 
battle when he directed the Republican forces, and 
nearly all of these contests were straggles for party 
ascendency in a State with forces very evenly matched. 
There were times during the Civil War, and in the re- 
construction period which followed, when the loss of 



THE TIMES AND THE LEADER 21 

New Hampshire by the Republicans would have fore- 
shadowed national disaster to that party. 

As a leader of men, it was natural that Rollins 
should aspire to political honors. These came to him 
not without a struggle. His success crossed the ambi- 
tions of other al)le men. Except his first reelection 
to the National House of Representatives, he attained 
no public position without a contest. The State could 
be held by the Republican party only by distributing 
among the party leaders the posts of honor. Rotation 
in office was a constant cry. It was the shibboleth of 
Rollins and others when they aspired to office. His 
public service was creditable to himself, and of ad- 
vantage to his State. The story of his life, therefore, 
must be written as a part of the political campaigns of 
New Hampshire for almost a generation. 



CHAPTER II. 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 



James Eawlins, from whom Edward H. Rollins 
was descended, landed in America in 1632, and went 
to Ipswich, Massachusetts. No less than ten families 
bv the name of Rawlins came to this country between 
1630 and 1680. Some settled in Maryland, some in 
Virginia, and their descendants remained in those 
States or migrated to sections of the South or to the 
West. Others, however, came North and settled in 
New England. The families in the South continued 
to write the name as it was originally spelled : Rawlins. 
The New England families, however, even prior to the 
Revolutionary War, generally changed it to Rollins. 

The history of James Rawlins before he came to this 
country is not clear. The Rawlins family in England 
is very ancient. The name has been a fixed surname 
for more than five hundred years. It is an old family 
in Cornwall, and more ancient in Hertfordshire. The 
name Rawlins is supposed to be derived from Rawle, 
and Rawle from Ralph, which was contracted from 

^ Prepared by the late John F. Rollins, youngest brother of 
Edward II. Rollins. 

22 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 23 

Radolj)li or Rudolph, and Rudolph is the same as the 
rrencli Raone. The name Raone is derived from, or 
is the same as, Rollo, originating with Rollo, the Scan- 
dinavian, conqueror of the iJ^orth of France about a. d. 
911, who became Duke of ISTormandy. The conclusion 
of antiquaries is that Rawlins was originally Scandi- 
navian, then French, then English. 

In tracing the family in England, it is noticeable 
that its members seemed to lean strongly toward the 
Church, for no less than twenty-five of the name were 
prominently identified with various parishes. One was 
Bishop of St. David's ; another, Prioress of Brome- 
hall Priory ; and one was an ardent follower of Luther 
in the Reformation. The family also contributed to 
the liberal arts, to the science of letters, and numbered 
some musicians of note. 

The genealogist of the family says : " The American 
family, while contributing a fair proportion to marine, 
mercantile, mechanical, and professional pursuits, has 
been mainly engaged in agi'iculture. A large propor- 
tion of the New England men were above the ordinary 
stature, many of them possessing unusual strength, and 
in the earlier generations seemed remarkable for lon- 
gevity." 

From Ipswich, James Rawlins soon moved to New- 
bury, Massachusetts, but, in 1614, he appears at Dover, 
New Hampshire. On July 10th of that year, he re- 
ceived a gTant of land from the town. This land lies on 
the banks of the Piscataqua about four miles up the 
river from Portsmouth. The only knowledge to be 



24 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

gleaned of him is that obtained from the town records, 
and these record only his offences against the province 
laws, or what were deemed offences at that time. In 
1634, he was fined five shillings for paying one of his 
servants more than the statutory price of labor. In 
1656, he was fined two shillings six pence for not going 
to church, and in 1659 he was admonished by the gov- 
ernor, by order of the Court, for entertaining " Ye 
Quakers." He may be judged leniently for not going 
to church when it is known that he was ordered to at- 
tend at Dover, a distance of several miles by trails ex- 
posed to attacks by Indians. His other offences seem 
to have been of like character, which to-day would com- 
mend him for his spirit of independence. To sum 
him up, he was probably one of the hardy pioneers of 
the period, a. plain, sturdy farmer, possessed of good 
common sense and practical ideas. He probably spent 
his life as quietly and contentedly as his savage foes 
would permit, cultivating his farm, and rearing a 
family which Avas subsequently to do its part in carry- 
ing out the undertaking of founding a new State. At 
a ripe old age his spirit was gathered to his fathers, 
and his ashes, the first of his name in the new world, 
were mingled with the virgin soil which he aided in 
clearing from the "' forest primeval." 

He left seven children, six boys and one girl. This 
girl was captured, and afterward rescued from the In- 
dians in 1677, according to Belknap's history. James 
Rawlins's wife, Hannah, survived him. Unfortunately, 
there is not even a side-light to be thrown upon the 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 



25 



woman "who shared the experiences of pioneer life with 
her hnsband. All record of her maiden name and 
character is probably forever lost. These early set- 
tlers had little aptitude, and no leisure, for writing 
history, nor did they realize that they were making 
history, and that to their descendants a. record of their 
lives, their trials, their joys, their failures, and their 
successes would have been priceless. All that can be 
done is to build upon the fragmentary foundation of 
scattered records the superstructure of their lives, in 
which the imagination must paint most of the picture. 

It is a remarkable fact that the original Rawlins 
place still remains in the hands of the direct descend- 
ants of James Rawlins, never having been deeded at 
all. It has come down from father to son or daughter, 
l)y will or direct inheritance, ever since the death of 
its first owner, in 1685. As early as 1697 the house 
now standing on this place was built, and it has not 
been materially changed since its erection. It is of 
the old square colonial order with gi-eat central chim- 
ney and yawning fire])lace. It stands on an eminence 
from which the land slopes gradually to the river. The 
shade-trees, probably planted by the early members of 
the family, are now among the grandest in 'New Eng- 
land. The king of them all, however, known as " the 
Rollins elm," was blown down a few years ago. This 
tree measured at its smallest circumference twenty- 
one feet six inches, and its spread was more than one 
hundred feet. 

Ichabod, the eldest son of James Rawlins, following 



26 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the English custom, came into possession of the 
fann. lie married Mary Tibbets, daughter of the 
constable of Dover, who resided at Dover Neck. She 
lived only a short time, leaving one son, Jeremiah. 
Ichabod married again, this time, Elizabeth — sur- 
name not known — by whom he had one daughter 
named Hannah, born July 16, 1706. Ichabod was 
killed by the Indians, soon after his daughter's birth, 
as he was driving a team, presumably an ox team, 
from Lieutenant Field's garrison to James Bunker's. 
The scene of his death lay between Dover and Dur- 
ham. 

Ichabod's brother Thomas lived near Exeter, and 
was one of Edward Gove's company who were found in 
arms endeavoring to incite an insurrection for the over- 
throw of the arbitrary government of Edward Cran- 
field. Thomas, with the others, was arrested and tried 
for treason ; but all were pardoned, except Gove, who 
was imprisoned for three years. 

Ichabod's son, Jeremiah, seems to have left the 
paternal acres, probably to his sister Hannah, and set- 
tled in what is now Somersworth, then a part of Dover. 
He was one of the petitioners, in 1729, to incorporate 
Somersworth as a separate parish. In his will, dated 
December 7, 1752, he bequeathed to his wife, while un- 
married, one-half the homestead, a negro servant, and 
lands in Rochester; to his son, Ichabod, the homestead, 
land in Canterbury, and a part of a sawmill. The re- 
maining property he left to his other children. Jere- 
miah's wife, born in 1681, by whom he had a large 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 27 

family, was Elizabeth Ham, granddaughter of William 
Ham, of Exeter and Portsmouth, who emigrated from 
England. 

Jeremiah left most of his estate to his eldest son 
Ichabod, who settled in that part of Dover which was 
afterward named Rollinsford in his honor. He was 
a man of great prominence in the community, the first 
one of the name to take any great part in public affairs. 
He was a member of the Revolutionary conventions 
at Exeter in April, May, and December, 1775, taking 
a prominent part. On June 20th, he was sent in com- 
pany with Timothy Walker, of Concord, to ascertain 
the losses at Bunker Hill, and to make the men com- 
pensation. He was a member of the convention when 
it resolved itself into an independent State government, 
a delegate to the legislature in 1776, and the first Judge 
of Probate under the State government. He was also 
a member of the Executive Council in 1789. 

Judge Ichabod Rollins — the name now has the 
J^ew England spelling — was a slaveholder. His first 
wife was Abigail, daughter of Capt. Benjamin Went- 
worth. His second wife was Margaret Frost. He died 
in 1800. His daughter Elizabeth married Jonathan 
ChadlDourne, of Berwick, Maine, and Chadbourne's 
daughter Abigail married George W. Wallingford, of 
Kennebunk, only son of Samuel Wallingford, who 
served with great distinction under John Paul Jones, 
and who was killed on the Ranger in the action with 
the Drake. Sarah Orne Jewett has clothed the family 
with the mantle of romance in her " Torv Trover." 



28 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

James, son of Judge Rollins, lived in Somersworth, 
but there seems to be small record of him except that 
he raised a family of thirteen children by his two 
wives. The first wife was Hannah Carr, daughter of 
Dr. Moses Carr, of Xewbury, Massachusetts. The 
second wife was Lucy Gerrish, of Dover, 

Daniel Rollins, the father of Edward H. Rollins, 
was the son of James Rollins by his second wife, Lucy 
Gerrish. He was born May 30, 1797, and resided on 
his farm in Rollinsford. He married, I^ovember 20, 
1823, Mary Plnmer, daughter of Ebenezer Plumer, of 
Rollinsford, a near relative of Governor William 
Plumer, of New Hampshire. They had the following 
children, Edward H., James G., William A., Lucy G., 
John F., and Elizabeth W. 

Edward Henry Rollins, eldest son of Daniel and 
Mary Plumer Rollins, was born in the homestead of 
his grandfather, James Rollins, in Rollinsford, Octo- 
ber 3, 1821. When he was three years old, his father 
removed from the old house to a new one built on the 
opposite side of the road, which Edward afterward 
owned and used as a suuuner residence. 

Daniel Rollins was a farmer. LTntil Edward was 
seventeen years of age, his life was spent upon his 
father's farm. Llis boyhood did not differ from that of 
the average farmer's son of ]^ew England in the early 
part of the nineteenth century. The farms of those 
days produced most of the household needs, and the 
boys were made serviceable as soon as their years ad- 
mitted of their performing any work. They attended 




DANIKI, ROLLINS 
(FATHEK OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS) 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 29 

school summer and winter until they were old enough 
to help in the hay-field, when their schooling was lim- 
ited to the winter term. As the eldest of the family, 
Edward's services were called into requisition by his 
father at an early age, and he had put upon him the 
usual responsibility of an eldest son. This responsibil- 
ity gaye him confidence in himself, and taught him that 
self-reliance which contributed so much to his success 
in after-life. He entered upon his tasks Avith a cheer- 
ful spirit, and acquired those habits of application and 
industry which are the foundation of prosperity in 
manhood. His boyhood days were to him always a 
pleasant recollection, and no place had nearer and 
dearer associations than this old farm at Rollinsford. 

While Edward inherited from his father many strong 
qualities, — the Rollins family for generations being 
a race of earnest, upright, and prominent citizens, — 
he also owed a gi*eat deal to his mother. Her family, 
the Plumers, were people of note in the State, furnish- 
ing a goyernor, a United States Senator, and other 
prominent officials for the public seryice. Edward's 
mother, who outliyed him and died at the ripe age of 
ninety-two, was a remarkable woman, one of the strong 
characters of our early j^ew England life. She was an 
untiring example of industry. To the last days of her 
life her mind was clear and her faculties exceptionally 
keen. Small of stature, she was a woman of indom- 
itable courage, facing emergencies with the hardihood 
of a man. She brought up a large family of children 
with an eye single to their moral and spiritual welfare. 



30 LIFE OF EDWARD H, ROLLINS 

The Bible was her guide, and her faith in it never wav- 
ered. Reading it constantly, knowing many of its 
passages by heart, she actually lived up to both the 
letter and spirit of her religious convictions. 

For his mother, Edward had the greatest love and 
reverence. To the close of his life, her slightest wish 
was to him a command, and he carefully avoided in 
her presence everything which would offend her views 
of right and wrong. She was the only person whom 
he seemed to fear. In later life, when her home was 
with him on the farm at Rollinsford, it was almost 
ludicrous to see the expedients to which he resorted 
to escape her reprimands. She had strong prejudices 
against any form of work on the Sabbath. It some- 
times happened that a large amount of hay would be 
left in the field on Saturday night. Like all good farm- 
ers, Mr. Rollins disliked to have his hay wet by a 
shower. Therefore, when the clouds threatened rain 
on Sunday, his manoeuvrings to get a yoke of oxen and 
a hay-rack out of the barn without his mother knowing 
it reminded one of a boy in his teens rather than the 
head of a family. If perchance she discovered him, 
she firmly forbade the work, and it is needless to say 
that her orders were obeyed. 

During Mr. Rollins's last illness, when a shock of 
apoplexy had temporarily clouded his mind, he imag- 
ined that he was away from home, and no assurance 
could persuade him that he was at Rollinsford. Finally 
he was asked if his mother should come to his bedside 
and assure him that he was at home, would he believe 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 31 

it. " Yes/' lie replied most emphatically, " mother 
never told a lie." 

Many incidents are related of the resolute character 
of Edward's mother. One or two will illustrate her 
forcefulness. When the farm buildings at Rollinsford 
were burned, she was recovering from a broken hip. 
The fire occurred on a cold winter night. Although 
nearly eighty years of age, she made her way out of 
the house without assistance, and immediately started 
to help in putting out the fire. The neighbors formed 
a line from the pump to the house to pass buckets of 
water to throw upon the flames. She insisted upon 
pumping the water until forcibly removed. The next 
day she was up at the usual hour apparently unaffected 
by the excitement and her exertions. 

Her determination is illustrated by an experience 
upon the farm with her grandson, Frank W. Rollins, 
when a boy of nine years of age. In the stable was a 
balky and tricky horse named Beauty, whose charac- 
teristics were thoroughly known to the grandmother. 
Frank, in the absence of the men in the hay-field, was 
sent to harness the animal. The moment he came near 
the stall. Beauty began to kick vigorously. After try- 
ing in vain to get near her, Frank returned to the house 
and reported the situation to his grandmother. Going 
to the stable, the old lady took the horsewhip and ad- 
ministered a vigorous and evidently wholesome punish- 
ment to the high-strung beast. Then standing by, whip 
in hand, she directed Frank to go into the stall and lead 
out the animal. Beauty backed out with circumspec- 



32 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tion, her ears laid over, but with an eye on Mrs. Rol- 
lins, fully recognizing that a master hand was in con- 
trol. 

Such was the mother of Edward H. Rollins, an ear- 
nest, strong, and commanding woman, faithful to her 
convictions and resolute in her purpose. If her train- 
ing of her children partook somewhat of the old Puri- 
tan sternness, it nevertheless inspired affection and 
made a lasting impression upon her sons and daugh- 
ters. 

Edward's education was begun at the red school- 
house near his father's residence. He was a studious 
boy, quick of apprehension, and stood well in his 
classes. Such leisure hours as were afforded he devoted 
to poring over the few books that were the possessions 
of the family. These he read again and again, com- 
mitting to memory some of their pages. Mastering 
the branches taught in the district school, he began 
preparations for a collegiate course. He attended 
Franklin Academy at Dover and the academy at Ber- 
wick, Maine, for a few terms, making commendalde 
progress. One of his teachers was John G. Pike, under 
whose instruction he studied Latin and Greek. This 
instructor entertained a very high opinion of Edward's 
scholarship, as well as of his original talent. 

George A. Gordon, at one time recording secretary 
of the ISTew England Historical Genealogical Society, 
was a fellow pupil with Edward at the Franklin Acad- 
emy. The majority of the boys who attended this 
academy were farmers' sons from the neighboring 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 33 

towns. Most of them went for onlj a term or two, 
the exception being those who entered the course with 
a view to fitting for college. Gordon says that " Ed- 
ward was a quiet and studious boy in the school, ac- 
curate in recitation, and never in trouble on account 
of his deportment. A leader in sports and games, his 
enthusiasm was contagious. He excelled as a runner, 
leaper, and wrestler. Naturally taking command, he 
decided contested points among the boys, pacified their 
contentions, and marshalled their forces with a skill 
never questioned and ever satisfactory. He was a lad 
of handsome presence, robust and sturdy, though not 
large, with a luxuriance of spirit, fervor, and anima- 
tion which gave him the power of producing positive 
results." 

One of his associates at Berwick Academy was James 
Wingate Rollins. This institution was four miles from 
Edward's home, and he walked to and from it daily 
while a student there. Wingate Rollins says of him 
that he " took high rank among his school fellows for 
ability and thoroughness in his studies. He was espe- 
cially good in mathematics, in which he was sui'passed 
by few if any. He was very popular. Frank, out- 
spoken, and full of pluck, he was liked by all and soon 
became a leader of the school." 

Edward's first disappointment in life came when it 
was apparent that his father's lack of means would 
prevent his completing an academic course and entering 
Dartmouth College. He, however, accepted the situ- 
ation in a brave and cheerful spirit. He entered upon 



34 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the activities of life with a firm determination to edu- 
cate himself, as many others of preceding generations 
had done when tlie family resources failed to provide 
a college education. His studious habits did not cease 
upon leaving school. He was an omnivorous reader, 
and his reading took a wide range. He advanced in 
the higher mathematics without instructors, and it was 
his delight in later life to supervise the study of his 
children in this branch of learning. He read trans- 
lations of the classics and all the standard authors, 
Shakespeare being his favorite. He bought books as 
his means allowed, and his library in its selection 
showed a scholarly taste. If the deprivation of a col- 
lege training was to him a deep regret, he nevertheless 
became by self-education a well-read and cultured man. 
When Edward left the academy, he went to Concord 
to begin life in the drug store of John McDaniel. 
Here he remained for three years, going home only for 
an occasional visit. At the end of that time, thinking 
he could better himself, he left the employment of 
McDaniel and returned to Rollinsford. "WTiile waiting 
for employment, he assisted in the work upon the farm 
and taught school in the red schoolhouse where he had 
been a pupil. He was a successful teacher, excelling 
in mathematics, Not only the scholars but their pa- 
rents took delight in sending him difficult problems 
to solve. Mathematics was the test in those days of 
a teacher's proficiency. Subsequently he taught school 
in South Berwick, Thomas J. Goodwin of that town 
writes of this school : 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 35 

" I was one of Mr. Rollins's scholars in District 
Xumber 2, in the winter of 1845-G. I was about thir- 
teen years of age and have a very vivid recollection of 
the school that he kept. He boarded with William H. 
Peters, who resided opposite my home. Mr. Rollins's 
salary was four dollars and a half per week and board. 
He kept a model school. I have recently spoken to 
others who attended that school with me, although the 
majority of the boys and girls have passed away, and 
they as well as I have most pleasant recollections of 
this term. It seemed all too short." 

In 1846, Rollins obtained a clerkship in the whole- 
sale drug store of Seth W. Fowle & Co., on Washington 
Street, Boston, where he remained nearly two years, 
at a salary of from three hundred to four hundred 
dollars per year. His most intimate friends were his 
fellow" clerks, among w^honi were Mr. Weeks, the 
founder of the Weeks & Potter Co., druggists, and 
Samuel Blake. The clerks boarded with Mr. Weeks's 
father on Fort Hill. Mr. Weeks says that Rollins was 
even then as ardent a politician as he became in later 
life, and that he and Blake, being on opposite sides, 
were debating politics whenever they had an oppor- 
tunity^, much to the annoyance of their friends. After 
leaving Mr. Powle's store, Rollins was for a brief time 
employed at Quincy, Massachusetts. He then returned 
liome and arranged for the purchase of a drug store in 
Dover, with his cousin, Charles Rollins, as a partner. 
The fathers of these young men were to advance the 
money, but, Avhen they came to close the trade, the pro- 



36 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

prietor repudiated the bargain. Late in the fall of 
184Y, Mr. Rollins went to Concord and bought the drug 
business of R. C. Osgood, whose store was on the east 
side of Main Street nearly opposite the State House. 
R. C. Osgood was the successor of the drug firm of Os- 
good & Rand. The newspaper advertisements of the 
time show that Rollins took possession of this store De- 
cember 3, 1847. The purchase price was one thousand 
dollars, which Rollins obtained on a note endorsed bv 
his father and William W. Rollins. Within a year 
he paid the note. In Rollins's advertisement in the 
local newspapers of 1848 it appears that he kept " a 
choice assortment of family gToceries." Later, he 
started his brother, John F. Rollins, in the drug busi- 
ness at Penacook, a suburb of Concord. In October, 
1859, the business of the two brothers was united under 
the firm name of Rollins & Company, and so it con- 
tinued until Feb. 4, 1861, when Edward retired from 
the firm. 

In 1851, Rollins's store was destroyed by fire. He 
continued the business in a store on Main Street, a 
little north of his own, until he completed Rollins's 
Block on the site of the Osgood & Rand store. In this 
block Rollins carried on the drug business until he dis- 
posed of his interest therein. It was in the back room 
of this store that many political conferences were held. 
In this room all the earlier State canvasses were made 
by Rollins as chairman of the Republican State Com- 
mittee. 

When Mr. Rollins came to Concord, he went to board 



ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 37 

with Mrs. Xancy M. West, the widow of John West, 
who resided in what was known for many years as the 
West-Rollins homestead situated on the west side of 
Main Street opposite the N^ew Hampshire Historical 
Society Building. Here he became acquainted with 
Ellen Elizabeth West, daughter of Mrs. West, whom 
he married February 13, 1849. This house continued 
to be his home during his long and eventful life, and 
in it all his children were born. These children were 
Edward Warren, born November 25, 1850; Helen 
Mary, born September- 4, 1853; Charles Montgomery,^ 
born February 27, 1856; Frank West, born February 
24, 1860; and Montgomery, born August 25, 1867. 
All are now living except Charles, who died when about 
five years of age. 

iDied June 25, 1861 



CHAPTER III. 

ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAKEEK 

When Edward H. Rollins settled in Concord, the 
various stores of the town were places of evening resort, 
where men gathered to discuss local affairs and politics. 
It was not long before his drug store became a rendez- 
vous for local politicians, and later, as he became more 
prominent, for State politicians visiting the capital, 
Rollins was originally a Webster Whig, and he was 
very soon actively identified with the Whig party in 
ISTew Hampshire. In 1850, he was a member of its 
State committee, and had as his associate, from Con- 
cord, Lyman D. Stevens, Avho later became mayor of the 
city, member of the legislature, State Senator and 
Councillor. ■ In 1851, Rollins, with other members of 
the State committee, signed the call for the State con- 
vention of that party. This convention nominated a 
candidate for governor and delegates to the national 
convention to be held the next year. The nomination 
of Winfield Scott for President by that convention dis- 
appointed many I^ew Hampshire Whigs who favored 
the nomination of Daniel Webster. It is very probable 
that Rollins was among this number. Although he was 
a delegate to a Whig State convention held in Septem- 

38 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER ^9 

ber, 1852, to nominate a candidate for governor for 
the campaign of 1853, he ceased to be a member of the 
State committee. 

As a national party, the Whig party expired with the 
Presidential campaign of 1852. As an organization, 
it continued to exist in Xew Hampshire for four years 
longer, but its strength dwindled from 17,590 votes in 
March, 1853, to 2,360 votes in March, 1856. In the 
State elections of 1853 and 1854, carried by the Demo- 
crats on the popular vote, the opposition was divided 
between Whigs and Free-soilers. 

Before the election of 1855, by secret organization, 
the American or Know iSTothing movement was sud- 
denly developed, upsetting the calculations of the 
leaders of the old parties. Opposition to slavery ex- 
tension was the impetus which led many in New Hamp- 
shire to join this new iVmerican party or, remaining 
outside its secret councils, to support its ticket at the 
polls. The cause which led to the organization of the 
Know ISTothing party in other States, opposition to the 
participation and influence of naturalized citizens in 
our politics, played but a small part in the formation 
of the Know jSTothing councils of New Hampshire or 
in the legislative work of that party after it came into 
control of the State government. From the first, the 
views of its members in New Hampshire on the slavery 
question were pronounced, and the Know Nothing or- 
ganization was used by the opponents of slavery ex- 
tension as a means of defeating the Democratic party. 
The new movement was the ste]'»ping-stone to the forma' 



40 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tion of the Republican party in the State, hut the 
merging of its forces into the Republican organization 
between the spring and fall campaigns of 1856 was so 
quietly brought about that it is difficult to fix the pre- 
cise moment of transition. 

Rollins was an intense opponent of slavery, and to 
one of his capacity for organization the Know I^othing 
councils appealed with especial force as an effective 
means of opposing slavery extension and defeating the 
dominant party in the State. Men were rapidly join- 
ing the Know !Xothing lodges, and it was at once ap- 
parent that the movement would have an important 
bearing upon the politics of the State. There is no 
doubt that the leaders of both of the old parties hoped 
to control and use the order. Indeed, not a few con- 
spicuous Democrats became members of Know Nothing 
lodges, who withdrew when they found that Democratic 
ascendency in the State was threatened by it. The 
greater number, however, drifted from it into the 
Republican party for the same purpose that they 
originally joined it, — to circumscribe or overthrow 
slavery. 

The acceptance of the city charter by the voters of 
Concord occurred at the spring election of 1853. The 
city was divided into seven wards. Rollins's residence 
was in Ward 4, a ward famous for its political con- 
tests and the number of its residents who have attained 
important State and national positions. Probably no 
town or ward of the State has been the home of so 
many men who have lieen prominent in public life. 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 41 

At one time, about 1888-9, a good share of the State 
government resided in this ward. The following is 
a list of its residents who have held national and State 
offices at the time of their residence there : 

U. S. Senators, Franklin Pierce, George G. Fogg, 
Edward II. Rollins, and Jacob H. Gallinger. 

tr. S. Representatives, Edward H. Rollins and Jacob 
H. Gallinger. 

Minister to Switzerland, George G. Fogg. 

U. S. District Attorney, John H. George. 

U. S. Marshal, Joab 'N. Patterson. 

Naval Officer of Customs, Boston, James O. Lyford. 

Second Auditor of the Treasury, Joab N. Patterson. 

U. S. Pension Agents, George Minot and John 
George. 

Governors, Onslow Stearns and Frank W. Rollins. 

Secretaries of State, Philip Carrigan and Ai B. 
Thompson. 

President of Constitutional Convention of 1902, 
Frank S. Streeter. 

Railroad Commissioners, Granville P. Conn and 
John M. Mitchell. 

Insurance Commissioner, Oliver Pillsbury. 

Bank Commissioner, James O. Lyford. 

Forestry Commissioner, George H. Moses. 

Adjutant General, Augustus D. Ayling. 

State Historians, Xathaniel Bouton and Isaac W. 
Hammond. 

Presidents of the Senate, Onslow Stearns, Jacob H. 
Gallinger, and Frank W. Rollins. 



42 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Speakers of the House, Edward H. Eollins and 
Samuel C. Eastman. 

Supreme Court Judges, Ira Perley, Asa Fowler, 
William L. Foster, and Alonzo P. Carpenter. 

For fifty years Ward 4 has- been a battle-ground, no 
election ever going by default. It was won from the 
Democratic party by the Whig-Free-soil coalition in 
1854, held by an alliance that centred around the 
American party in 1855 and '56, and carried by the 
Republican party ever after, but never in all the years 
without a contest. The Democratic leaders of the 
ward have always been aggressive, and they have mar- 
shalled the minority with a skill which has often taxed 
the energies of the Republicans to overcome. It was 
in this political centre that Rollins began his political 
career. The Republican canvasses of the ward in the 
early years were made by Charles H. Herbert under 
Rollins's personal supervision. Herbert, who is still 
living, thus speaks of these local campaigns : 

" 'No town or ward of the State has witnessed more 
intense political contests than Ward 4. The Demo- 
crats under the leadership of John H. George fought 
to the finish, or until the last vote was counted and de- 
clared. 'No Republican victory ever had any effect 
upon the next contest. No matter how badly the Dem- 
ocrats were beaten, they came up just as confident the 
next time. The Republicans, however, left nothing to 
chance. We knew how every voter stood and what in- 
fluence surrounded him. I used to make the canvasses 
of the ward, and then we would meet at Rollins's house 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 43 

to go over them. Politics lasted the year round. In 
those early years we were at Rollins's house discussing 
the political situation almost as much as we were at 
home. His home was political headquarters not only 
for the ward but for the entire city. The Republican 
party of New Hampshire was cradled in that old 
house and in the back room of his diiig store. He 
looked after every detail. Nothing in politics, with 
him, was too small to be unimportant. If he started 
in to accomplish anything, he never let up until he 
brought it about. He never forgot a political promise, 
and he never failed to keep one. 

" In 1855, Edward H. Rollins and William Ballard 
were the candidates for representatives to the legisla- 
ture. We had the advantage of the Democrats in that 
they did not know who of their men had joined the 
Know Nothing councils, as the members were pledged 
not to divulge their membership. Therefore, our can- 
vass was more accurate, but the Democrats were deter- 
mined and confident. For several weeks before elec- 
tion we met almost every night at Rollins's house to 
listen to reports on the situation. Every absent voter 
who would support our ticket was brought home re- 
gardless of expense, and we had committees to see that 
every voter was brought to the polls. Our organization 
was well-nigh perfect, and every man under Rollins's 
direction knew what his duties would be on election 
day. When we made up our final canvass the night 
before election, Rollins said, with a confidence that 
gave us courage, ' We shall carry the ward to-morrow.' 



44 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Carry it we did, to the surprise and chagrin of the 
Democrats. The same painstaking methods established 
by Kollins for taking the poll of the ward continued 
all the years that I was active in politics." 

The State ticket of the Know Xothing party in this 
campaign of 1855, and its candidates for Congress, 
were nominated at a mass convention held at Man- 
chester. Their candidates were, for governor, Ralph 
Metcalf, a former Democrat ; for Congress, James 
Pike, of South Xewmarket, Mason W. Tappan, of 
Bradford, and Aaron H. Cragin, of Lebanon. 

On the committee to notify Metcalf of his nomina- 
tion was Ruel Durkee, of Croydon, who had secured 
Metcalf's assent to becoming the candidate of the party, 
and who was afterward prominently identified with the 
Republican party from its birth until his death. Dur- 
kee was a quaint and original character whose large 
and ungainly figure attracted attention at all political 
gatherings on account of his dress and general appear- 
ance. He wore a swallow-tail coat and double waist- 
coat summer and winter, with a silk hat of antique 
brand, and trousers that were built on the Turkish plan, 
full and flowing. Even on the hottest day his waist- 
coat was buttoned up to his chin. He was neither 
handsome nor prepossessing. He was plain and rough 
of speech, with a variety of odd characteristics. There 
was neither charm in his conversation nor magnetism 
in his personality. Yet he wielded for many years 
a great influence in Republican councils, made and 
unmade public men of the State, and was credited by 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 45 

such astute politicians as Rollins and Chandler with 
controlling appointments and shaping nominations for 
office. Although uneducated, he possessed a large fund 
of common sense, and his judgment of men and meas- 
ures was remarkably accurate. His homely and laconic 
comment often nipped in the bud the aspirations of 
ambitious men. By leading men of the party he was 
feared and courted. He aspired to no office except that 
of chairman of the Board of Selectmen of Croydon, 
which he held for upwards of thirty years. He at- 
tended all legislative sessions, seeking but not impart- 
ing information. In all important controversies before 
the legislature, especially railroad contests, Durkee 
was invariably the retained agent of one of the parties. 
His favorite maxim was, " Don't write, send word." 
He literally followed this maxim through life. If he 
contributed to the support of the federal government, 
it was not through the Post Office department. Dur- 
kee' s interests in politics were almost always antago- 
nistic to Rollins's ambition. 

The campaign Avhich followed the nominations was 
intense and the result a surprise to the Democrats. 
Metcalf was elected by the people ; the Know Noth- 
ing majority in the legislature was overwhelming, and 
all three candidates for Congress had good majorities. 

The American party, made up of men who had long 
been in political antagonism, was without recognized 
leadership. Its ranks were full of ambitious men. Its 
danger was that personal disappointment at not secur- 
ing recognition would outweigh the principles for 



46 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

which the party stood, and that it would break into 
factions with its first taste of power. Elected to this 
legislature were a number of able men who afterward 
were honored bj high positions in the Republican 
party. Among Rollins's contemporaries in the legis- 
lature were Daniel M. Christie, of Dover, Daniel 
Clark, of Manchester, Jacob Benton, of Lancaster, 
James W. Emery, of Portsmouth, Thomas M. Ed- 
wards, of Keene, Mason W. Tappan, of Bradford, 
Bainbridge Wadleigh, of Milford, Joel Eastman, of 
Conway, John J. Prentiss, of Claremont, Thomas L. 
Tullock, of Portsmouth, Paul R. George, of Hopkin- 
ton, Jonathan Kittredge, of Canaan, William M. 
Weed, of Sandwich, and William H. Gove, of Weare, 
representing the majority, and Samuel Herbert, of 
Rumney, and John G. Sinclair, of Bethlehem, repre- 
senting the minority. 

The legislative caucus of the American party de- 
veloped several candidates for Speaker, but only one 
ballot was necessary to nominate. This ballot was as 
follows : Jacob Benton, 2 ; Daniel Clark, 2 ; Thomas 
M. Edwards, 4 ; Jonathan Kittredge, 7 ; Joel East- 
man, 23; Edward H. Rollins, 39; John J. Prentiss, 
108. 

In the make-up of the committees Rollins was put 
on the judiciary committee, of which Christie was the 
chairman, while Edwards, Emery, Benton, Herbert, 
and Sinclair were among his associates. Clark was 
chairman of the conmiittee on banks, Wadleigh of 
manufactures, Gove of agriculture, George of mill- 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 47 

tarj affairs, Kittredge of incorporations, Tappan of 
railroads, and Eastman of elections, but none of them 
was a member of the judiciary committee, although 
five were lawyers. Either there were too many 
lawyers in the House for the membership of that com- 
mittee, or, what is more probable, the chairmanship of 
a committee was considered a greater recognition than 
membership of the judiciary committee, Y^t Clark 
was a formidable candidate for United States Senator 
at that session, there being two vacancies to fill, and 
Christie, Edwards, and Eastman were voted for in the 
American legislative caucus. Edmund Burke, of New- 
port, and Gilman Marston, of Exeter, also received 
votes at this caucus. 

Edmund Burke was intellectually one of the strong- 
est men of his time in ISTew Hampshire, a man of ex- 
tensive reading and wide information. He was lacking 
in the attributes of the orator, and was rather prosaic 
as a public speaker, but he wielded a ready pen, which 
he employed through life both in attack and defence. 
He was a Democratic member of Congress from New 
Hampshire for three terms from 1839 to 1815, and 
Commissioner of Pensions under Polk. With the 
possible exception of Pierce, he had the largest ac- 
quaintance with public men in the country of any man 
in New Hampshire at the time of Pierce's nomination 
for the Presidency. He headed the delegation from the 
State to the Democratic National Convention in 1852, 
and played a large part in shaping that convention in 
favor of Pierce. Both he and his friends expected that 



48 LIFE OF EDWARD H. KOLLIXS 

he would be a member of Pierce's cabinet, but the 
latter ignored him. For this slight and ingratitude 
Btirke was determined to overthrow Pierce's suprem- 
acy in Xew Hampshire, and for this purpose allied 
himself ^vitll the American party, being one of its 
active members. His affiliation was short-lived, how- 
ever, and he returned to the Democratic party to be- 
come one of its exti-eme advocates. He was appointed 
Commissioner of Patents by President Buchanan, and 
later wTote a defence of Buchanan's administration. 
He did not afterward hold public office, but he was 
prominent in Democratic councils until the time of his 
death. 

Of the members of this legislature four were after- 
ward elected to Congress, Tappan, Edwards, Benton, 
and Rollins ; three became United States Senators, 
Clark, Eollins, and Wadleigh : Kittredge was made 
Chief Justice of the Superior Court, and William 
Haile, of the State Senate, l^ecame governor. 

Eollins appears from the reports made by him at 
this session of the legislature to have done his share of 
committee work. Two of these were adverse reports 
on legislation affecting the property rights of married 
women. If he were opposed at that time to enlarging 
the property rights of women, he outgrew his opposi- 
tion, for his will left almost all his property to his 
wife to dispose of as in her judgment seemed best. 

In initiating legislation Bollins's efforts were con- 
fined to securing charters for banks and insurance com- 
panies and amendments to existing charters. He had 



ENTEAXCE UPON A POLITICVL CAEEEE 49 

ahsLTgd of the bill amending the charter of the city of 
Concord, taking part in several deVmtes ujx/n the 
amendments. The session was largely devoted to politi- 
cal legislation, the legislature removing by address a 
considerable numVjer of Democrats from office, and re- 
districting the State in Senatorial districts. To the 
direction of this legislation Rollins devoted himself, 
rapidly developing, at this time, those qualities as a 
party manager which afterward made him distin- 
guished. In the absenc-e of the Speaker he was elected 
Speaker pro tempore. 

The next campaign was started by the American 
party while the legislature was in session. A mass- 
meeting, of which Rollins had charge, was held at Con- 
cord, in July. It was addressed by the recently elected 
Senators, John P. Hale and James BelL In this cam- 
paign of 1856 the Democrats made great efforts to 
regain control of the State. The March election, be- 
sides its importance in being the first State election 
of the Presidential year, would have a bearing upon the 
prospects of President Pierce, who sought a renomina- 
tion at the hands of his party. Therefore, whatever 
influence the administration at Washington could exert 
was used to spur the Democrats of Xew Hampshire 
to activity. The attention of the whole (Vjuntry was 
riveted upon the State. The American party, or, as 
it was soon to be called, the Republican party, was now 
thoroughly organized. Rollins becoming its recognized 
manager. 

The campaign was conducted with great energy on 



50 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

both sides. The chainnan of the Democratic State 
committee was Francis B. Peabody, of Concord. He 
enriched the canvass by securing the presence, as 
speakers, of these distinguished Democrats, Howell 
Cobb, of Georgia, James L. Orr, of South Carolina, 
Joseph Lane, of Oregon, and John B. Weller, of Cali- 
fornia. In no place was the contest fiercer than in 
Concord, the home of President Pierce, and in no 
ward of that city was the struggle greater than in 
Ward 4. The Statesman described the Ward 4 con- 
test as '^ the hardest fought battle that ever took place 
within the boundaries of ' ancient Penacook.' " It 
" beat all sangiiinary contests in a city notorious for 
the energy with which political contests have been 
waged," and " when the vote was declared toward eve- 
ning, showing the reelection of Rollins and Ballard 
to the legislature, the old town hall shook with a vol- 
ume of applause like that of olden times. There 
has rarely been manifested deeper disappointment 
than that of the Democrats of Ward 4 at this 
result." 

The returns from the State showed a considerable 
gain for the Democrats on the popular vote, a gain 
sufficient to prevent an election of governor by the 
people. The American party carried the legislature,* 
but by a greatly reduced majority. There had been 
close elections in a number of wards and towns, Rol- 
lins being reelected by only seven majority. 

As soon as the result of the election was known, 
Rollins announced his candidacy for Speaker of the 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 51 

House. Prentiss, who was Speaker in the previous 
legislature, was reelected to the House, and again a 
candidate for the position of presiding officer. Ac- 
cording to precedent he was entitled to a renomination. 
He had made a model presiding officer and was person- 
ally popular. Rollins, however, asserted that Prentiss 
had made an agreement not to be a candidate for re- 
election to the Speakership. A third candidate ap- 
peared in the field, Aaron F. Stevens, of ^Nashua, who 
continued a rival of Rollins for party honors until both 
retired from active political life. When the legisla- 
ture met, indications pointed to the renomination of 
Prentiss. It was then that Rollins decided upon a 
bold move, the success of which launched him upon an 
extended political career. Had he failed, his defeat 
in the circumstances might have brought his political 
ambitions to an untimely end. He attended the legis- 
lative caucus and demanded to be heard before the vote 
was taken. He recited the agreement with Prentiss, 
and requested the caucus to observe it if Prentiss did 
not. The lights and shadows of that gathering have 
disappeared, and it lives mostly in tradition as an 
aggressive contest on Rollins's part fraught with 
danger to his future. 

The vote in caucus was as follows: First ballot: 
David Cross, of Manchester, 1 ; James N. Lovering, 
of Exeter, 1 ; Aaron F. Stevens, of iSTashua, 21 ; John 
J. Prentiss, of Keene, 50 ; Edward H. Rollins, of Con- 
cord, 72. 

Second Ballot : William Haile, of Hinsdale, 1 ; 



52 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLFXS 

John J, Prentiss, of Keene, 30 ; Aaron F. Stevens, of 
K'ashua, 30 ; Edward H. Eollins, of Concord, 80. 

None of the newspapers of the American party re- 
ferred to the incidents of the cancns. The Union Dem- 
ocrat, of Manchester, made the caucus the subject of 
a spicy editorial, attacking personally both Rollins and 
Prentiss, and sneering at the new party. The New 
Hampshire Patriot gives the Democratic version of 
the caucus as follows : 

'^ THE iriXDOO XOMIXATION 

" E. H. Rollins, of Concord, was nominated for 
Speaker by the Hindoo caucus. This was a very re- 
markable result, and we have the facts from which a 
very interesting chapter might be written upon the 
subject, but we must defer it to a more convenient 
season. The result shows the power Rollins possesses 
to control his party. Against all precedents and 
against the real wishes of four-fifths of the members 
he received the nomination. Prentiss had been Speaker 
but one year, made a very good one, was very generally 
acceptable to his party, desired and labored for a re- 
nomination, to which he was entitled by precedent, and 
which a large majority of the members really wished 
to confer upon him, yet he received but fifty votes out 
of nearly one hundred and fifty cast in the caucus. 
Such a result must have been very humiliating to him, 
as it is very discreditable to his party. The fact is 
they were driven, frightened into the abandonment of 
Prentiss and the nomination of Rollins by the loud 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 53 

boasts and threats of certain friends of the latter, who 
represented that some twenty or thirty members had 
pledged themselves to stick to Rollins in the House. 
This secured his nomination. 

" The caucus was a secret one, but we learned that 
there was a long and acrimonious discussion in regard 
to the Speakership, in the course of wdiich it came out 
that before the State election Rollins had been prom- 
ised the office by many of the leading men of the party, 
and that Prentiss had pledged himself that he would 
not be a candidate for renomination and to vote for 
Rollins. Yet within twenty-four hours of his election 
in March Prentiss began to fugle and trade for a re- 
nomination. After these developments and certain 
j)retty plain hints that trouble w^ould follow the viola- 
tion of this contract wdth Rollins, the ballot was taken, 
when Rollins had 72, Prentiss 50, and Stevens, of 
N^ashua, 21. Prentiss then withdrew, and Rollins was 
nominated on the next ballot, having 80 votes to 67 for 
others. Prentiss then moved that the nomination be 
made unanimous, and made a speech promising his 
cordial support of it. The nomination was a very 
bitter pill to a large portion of the members, but they 
regarded it as a medicine to be taken for the good of 
the system, and so swallowed it. As Rollins is in the 
medicine trade, it w^as just in his line to administer 
such doses, and he did it very successfully." 

That there are exaggeration and misstatement in 
the Patriot article is apparent to all wdio knew Rollins, 



64 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

for never was there a more loyal party man. How- 
ever strongly he might feel that he deserved recogni- 
tion, nothing could induce him to pursue a course that 
would hazard the unity of the party organization. Al- 
though defeated several times in after years in his am- 
bition to be United States Senator, there is never a 
word in his correspondence with his most intimate 
friends, before or after the contests, that can be tor- 
tured into a menace or threat such as is indicated in 
this article. There is little doubt that an understand- 
ing was reached among the leaders of the American 
party prior to election that Rollins should be S^Deaker 
in event of success. That Prentiss was a party to this 
understanding is most probable, but such arrangements 
are never reduced to writing, or generally disseminated 
at the time. There is always a difficulty in enforcing 
them if a change of circumstances leads either party 
to ignore the arrangement. Rollins regarded all his 
political promises as sacred. Moreover, he was always 
pronounced in his condemnation of those who failed to 
keep their political obligations. Therefore, when Pren- 
tiss ignored the understanding, Rollins determined to 
face him in the caucus, and to appeal to that body to 
observe it if Prentiss did not. His course provoked 
criticism from members of his own party at the time, 
and the incident was kept alive by the Democrats for 
several years, much to Rollins's annoyance. In a letter 
to William H. Gove, of Weare, dated October 22, 1858, 
he said: 

" I desire a correct version of the story told you by 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 55 

Col. John H. George in regard to the organization of 
the House, etc., in 1856, I have heard various reports 
of the conversation and wish a correct one. You will, 
of course, be as willing to communicate the facts in 
the case to me as to any other individual. Having 
labored most untiringly and most devotedly to promote 
the welfare and prosperity of the Republican party 
from the day of its organization to the present time, 
having never in a single instance done or said any- 
thing inconsistent with perfect integrity, having toiled 
in season and out of season, devoting the best energies 
of my life, and having incuiTed a large expense in aid 
of the cause, I feel, as you would under similar cir- 
cumstances, indignant that a slander of that character 
should be started even by a political opponent, and 
sorry that it could be reported or believed by a Repub- 
lican. If I can get the yarn in some tangible shape, I 
propose to probe it to the ])ottom. You will oblige me 
by giving me the desired information at your earliest 
convenience." 

N^othing appears to have come of this appeal to Gove, 
and the presumption is that the exaggeration of the 
Patriot story grew out of the intensity of partisan 
feeling at the time. As chairman of the Republican 
State committee, Rollins was to the close of his politi- 
cal career the subject of Democratic misrepresentation, 
to most of which he gave little or no attention. 

Rollins was now thirty-one years of age. Ahead of 
him was the task of showing the public that he had 
qualifications for the Speakership. What made the task 



56 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

more difficult Avas that lie had supplanted a most popu- 
lar presiding officer with whose administration of the 
office his own would surely be compared. His only 
experience in presiding had been in Masonic bodies, 
and the few occasions he had occupied the chair at the 
previous session of the legislature. His speech to the 
House upon taking the chair indicated that he fully 
realized the embarrassments of his undertaking. He 
said : 

" Gentlemen: I accept the office to which you have 
elected me by your kind partiality, feeling truly grate- 
ful for the honor thus conferred upon me, only regret- 
ting that I cannot bring to your service an amount of 
ability and experience commensurate with its duties 
and responsibilities. I promise you, however, that my 
most earnest efforts will be directed to the discharge 
of the duties of presiding officer in a faithful and im- 
partial manner, and thus, if possible, make apparent 
to you what language would fail to do, my appreciation 
of this mark of your confidence and esteem. Relying 
upon your kindness and forbearance, I shall look to 
you for wise counsel and a generous and cordial sup- 
port. I shall expect the hearty cooperation of the 
many here who are so well qualified by their large leg- 
islative experience to give good counsel, assuring them 
that their advice will ever be most kindly received. 
Allow me, gentlemen, to express the hope that we may 
commence at once the business of the session and pur- 
sue it with so much diligence that we shall in a brief 
space of time accomplish all needful reforms, pass all 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 57 

saliitarv laws required of us bv the people of Xew 
Hampshire, and be in readiness to separate for our sev- 
eral homes, having done nothing to impair the kindly 
feelings we now entertain for each other, or to lessen 
the confidence reposed in us by our constituents." 

Rollins surpassed all expectations as a presiding of- 
ficer. He showed remarkable aptitude for the position, 
and .was regarded in the legislature, and later in the 
national House and Senate, as a most competent occu- 
pant of the chair. 

The Presidential campaign was under consideration 
before the legislature assembled, in fact even before 
the March election. George G. Fogg, the editor of the 
Independent Democrat, published at Concord, was a 
delegate to a national convention held at Pittsburg, 
February 22, 1856. This convention was made up of 
men of various parties who were opposed to slavery 
extension. It was the forerunner of the Philadelphia 
convention held June 17, 1856, which nominated Fre- 
mont and Dayton for President and Vice-President. 
Fogg was a member of the national committee ap- 
pointed by the Pittsburg convention which, on March 
26, 1856, issued the call for the convention at Phila- 
delphia. This call invited '' the people of the United 
States, without regard to past political differences or 
divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise, to the policy of the present administra- 
tion, to the extension of slavery in Territories, in favor 
of the admission of Kansas as a free State, and of re- 
storing the action of the federal government to the 



58 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLESTS 

principles of Washington and of Jefferson, to send 
three delegates from each Congressional district, and 
six delegates at large to this convention." 

This call was published in both Fogg's paper and 
in the Statesman.. In the latter paper it is referred 
to as " the call for the Republican convention." In 
response to it a State call was issued May 10, 185G, 
for a mass-meeting, June 10th, at Concord, of all those 
who could act together on the principles set forth in 
the national call for the Philadelphia convention. At 
this mass-meeting the following delegates were elected 
to the Philadelphia convention : 

State : Amos Tuck, of Exeter, William M. Weed, of 
Sandwich, Daniel Clark, of Manchester, Benjamin 
Pettingill, of Salisbury, Levi Chamberlain, of Keene, 
and Daniel Blaisdell, of Hanover. 

District ISTumter 1 : Henry A, Spear, of Laconia, 
James W. Emery, of Portsmouth, George P. Folsom, 
of Dover. 

District N^umber 2 : George G. Fogg, of Concord, 
Austin F. Pike, of Franklin, and John H. Gage, of 
Nashua. 

District I^umber 3 : John H. White, of Lancaster, 
x\lvah Smith, of Dempster, and Greenleaf Cummings, 
of Lisbon. 

Fremont was nominated June 19th, and that eve- 
ning, at Concord, Fremont Club Number 1, of New 
Hampshire, was organized at Depot Hall. The New 
Hampshire delegates at Philadelphia at a meeting that 
morning voted " that this delegation unanimously rec- 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER o9 

ommend and urge the immediate formation of Fremont 
Clubs in every town in the State, to be numbered in 
the order of their formation." It does not appear that 
infonnation of this vote was sent by telegraph to Con- 
cord on that day; thus the probability is that the call 
for the Depot Hall meeting was issued without knowl- 
edge of the action of the ISTew Hampshire delegates at 
Philadelphia. The officers of this club were : Presi- 
dent, E. H. Rollins ; recording secretary, William 
E, Chandler, corresponding secretary, James Pev- 
erly; treasurer, Sylvester Dana; vice-presidents, 
Albert H. Drown, Cyrus Robinson, Moses Humphrey, 
Hamilton E. Perkins, John Y. Mugridge, Peter San- 
born, Benjamin Green; executive committee, James 
Peverly, A. B. Holt, J. L. Jackson, L. D. Brown, 
William Ballard, 

This meeting was attended by Jacob Benton, of Lan- 
caster, George W. Everett, of I^ew London, Aaron F. 
Stevens, of Nashua, Bainbridge Wadleigh, of Milford, 
George W. Nesmith, of Franklin, and other American 
members of the legislature then in session, who par- 
ticipated in the proceedings, making the action taken 
by the Concord supporters of Fremont the basis of 
action for other towns. The meeting voted " that all 
friends of liberty in this State be invited to form Fre- 
mont Clubs in the several towns, and to correspond 
with this club," thus making the Concord club the 
nucleus of a party organization for the State. It was 
around this club that the Republican party of New 
Hampshire had its beginning, although the name Re- 



60 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

publican had not yet common acceptance with all who 
became members of Fremont Clubs in ]S[ew Hamp- 
shire. 

" For several months," says William E. Chandler, 
" the straight name ' Republican ' was carefully 
avoided by the leaders to ofl'end no sensibility of the 
recruits. All were Fremonters in that they supported 
Fremont for President, and were opposed to slavery 
extension, but they had been drawn from the Demo- 
cratic, the Whig, the Free-soil, and American parties 
with more or less attachments to old associations and 
some suspicion of the new." The term " Republican " 
was applied to the new party by the Democratic news- 
l^apers of the State, who soon enlarged it into " Black 
Republican." It is only occasionally in the campaign 
that the Statesman and the Independent Deryiocrat 
made use of the former term. The Fremont C^lubs 
w^ere the rallying-point ; through them the Republican 
organization was perfected. 

A State committee was appointed for the campaign, 
with Rollins as chairman, and Sylvester Dana, of Cou- 
cord, as secretary. Dana is one of the few of the ok 
gaiard still living. He identified himself with the Free- 
soil party on attaining his majority, and held to that 
organization until the Republican party was formed 
out of the forces hostile to the extension of slavery. 
Earnest and active in politics during all the crucial 
years of slavery agitation, his interest in public affairs 
has never abated. For many years, and until retired 
by age limitations, he was judge of the police court of 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAE CAKEER 61 

Concord. He was closely associated with the leaders 
of the Republican party in its formation and develop- 
ment. 

There is no reference in the newspapers to a State 
committee during this campaign. Dana, however, 
gives it as his recollection that the committee was ap- 
pointed after the legislature adjourned in July, and 
that it was the work of leading American members of 
the legislature and others who were brought into confer- 
ence with them. It was at this conference, made up 
of Know Nothings, Whigs, and Free-soilers, that an 
agreement was reached as to the officers of this com- 
mittee, and on motion of Amos Tuck, of Exeter, 
Rollins and Dana were elected to the positions of 
chairman and secretary. 

Besides his work as chairman of the State com. ■•^- 
tee, Rollins took part in the speaking of this campaign. 
It was not his first appearance on the stump. In the 
spring campaign of 1856 he made one or more 
speeches. His maiden effort was at Chichester. He 
had as associate speakers at the meeting John Y. 
Mugridge and others, of Concord. According to a re- 
port of the meeting which appeared in Fogg's news- 
paper, the speakers had a baptism of fire through an 
attempt of the Democrats to break up the meeting. 
Mugridge, who was the first speaker, had a number 
of interruptions, but, when Rollins took the floor, the 
demonstrations were decidedly hostile. The news- 
paper account of the meeting says : " The evident in- 
tention was to prevent Rollins from speaking, but he 



62 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

was not a man to be bluffed in that way. He waited 
coolly until the stonn had in a good measure spent 
itself, and then proceeded to show, and did show, to 
every unprejudiced mind that the American party now 
occupies the same ground on the question of slavery 
extension that the Democratic party occupied under 
Jefferson, and even to the time when the infamous 
Fugitive Slave Law was enacted. Mr. Rollins stated 
as a fact, which made quite an impression on the 
minds of the audience, that of the five who had come 
from Concord to have a friendly discussion with the 
people of Chichester, four had always been with the 
Democratic party." The other speakers were also in- 
terrupted, and two Democrats insisted upon address- 
ing the meeting. When they had finished, Rollins 
again took the floor and replied to their charges against 
the preceding legislature. In the fall campaign of 
1856 Rollins again spoke at Chichester, and this time 
with Mugridge and Chandler. The meeting was or- 
derly throughout. 

The Independent Democrat of October 30, 1856, 
says : " We learn that the returns by the Fremont 
State committee, the result of an actual canvass of 
nearly every town of the State, indicate more than six 
thousand majority for Fremont over Buchanan." This 
was one of the first, if not the first, of Rollins's State 
canvasses which for accuracy have never been sur- 
passed, and which gave him a reputation all over the 
country as a sagacious political manager. Fremont's 
actual majority over Buchanan was 5,556. 



ENTRANCE UPON A POLITICAL CAREER 63 

John H. George, of Concord, was chairman of the 
Democratic State committee during the Presidential 
campaign as well as during the succeeding spring cam- 
paign of 1857. Strong personality showed itself in 
his positive convictions and in his fearlessness in ex- 
pressing them. The only offices he ever held were in 
line with his profession, those of county solicitor of 
Merrimack County and United States District Attor- 
ney, both by appointment. He was a candidate of his 
party several times for Congress, and stumped the dis- 
trict. Had George ever been elected, no rules or tra.- 
ditions of the national House of Representatives would 
have prevented him from impressing himself upon that 
body. All his political movements were frontal attacks 
made "without regard to consequence to himself. He 
neither conciliated enemies nor flattered friends. On 
the stump he spoke his mind and courted joint dis- 
cussion of political issues. Had his lot been ca^t 
earlier in the century, when his party was in power 
in the State, nothing could have prevented his attain- 
ing its highest gifts. He was an antagonist to be 
feared at the bar or in the forum, being thoroughly 
equipped and ready for any emergency. A long life 
as a minority leader neither dampened his ardor nor 
affected his genial disposition. 

George and Rollins were neighbors, and their social 
relations were never disturbed by their antagonism 
in politics. In fact, each held the other in the highest 
personal esteem, being drawn together by certain at- 
tributes Avhich were common to both men. Intense 



64 LIFE OF EDWARD H. KOLLINS 

in their convictions, each believed in direct methods. 
Both were positive and aggressive men, yet neither 
cherished resentment after conflict. An incident oc- 
curred on the night of Rollins's first reelection to 
Congress which shows their mutual, regard. George 
was Rollins's opponent at this election. The contest 
had been particularly close, and the early reports so far 
indicated George's election that the Democrats of Con- 
cord began to celebrate. Later and more complete 
returns showed Rollins's election beyond a doubt. 
Leaving his political friends, George hastened to 
Rollins's house, announced his own defeat, and con- 
gratulated his opponent. Of the large company as- 
sembled at the Rollins's home that night to felicitate 
its owner, none entered more heartily into the spirit 
of the occasion and none was more sincerely earnest 
in his congi'atulations than George, although his own 
ambition to go to Congress had been particularly acute 
at the time. 



CHAPTEK IV. 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 



The Democrats of New Hampshire made the spring 
campaign of 1857 a continuation of the Presidential 
campaign of 1856. At their convention September 4, 
1856, to nominate Presidential electors, they selected 
their candidate for governor for the March election 
of 1857. John S. Wells, of Exeter, was renominated. 
Their candidates for Congress who were nominated 
much later were George W. Kittredge, of I^e^vmarket, 
George W. Morrison, of Manchester, and William P. 
Wheeler, of Keene. John H. George continued as 
chairman of the Democratic State committee. After 
the ISTovember election of 1856 had sho\\m Buchanan 
to have a majority of the electoral votes, the Demo- 
cratic State committee at one of its meetings did the 
surprising thing of voting to recommend Wells for a 
position in Buchanan's cabinet, thereby admitting the 
probability of his defeat at the polls. The general 
trend of the newspaper discussion of the campaign of 
1857 indicated that Democratic hopes were centred 
on carrying the legislature, with the possibility of 
electing one or more of their candidates for Congress. 

65 



66 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

The incoming of a new Democratic national adminis- 
tration was a stimulus to their efforts. 

The party in power in Xew^ Hampshire met in con- 
vention January 8, 1857, in response to a call of its 
State central committee. The committee had not yet 
formally adopted the name " Eepublican " for their 
party. The call was as follows : 

" A State convention of all the people of ISTew 
Hampshire who are opposed to the policy of the pres- 
ent sectional, proslavery, anti-American administra- 
tion, which repealed the Missouri Compromise and 
forced slavery upon Kansas by fear and border ruffian 
violence, of all who are in favor of restoring freedom 
to Kansas, and reestablishing constitutional principles 
that slavery shall not be extended over territory now 
free, and all who supported Fremont and Dayton at 
the late Presidential election, will be held at Concord 
on Thursday, January 8, 1857, at eleven o'clock in 
the forenoon for the purpose of nominating can- 
didates for governor, railroad commissioner, and three 
Representatives to Congress to be supported at the 
coming State election." 

The convention was called to order by Rollins as 
chairman of the State central committee, who presided 
until an organization was effected. A committee w^as 
appointed to report permanent officers for the conven- 
tion, and the same committee was authorized to report 
a State central committee. Amos Tuck, of Exeter, was 
made president of the convention. A committee on 
resolutions reported the platform, and then the con- 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 



67 



vention proceeded to ballot for governor. A large 
number of candidates were voted for, but the contest 
was between Ichabod Goodwin, of Portsmouth, and 
William Haile, of Hinsdale. Goodwin had been the 
candidate of the Whig party at the previous spring 
election, receiving 2,360 votes. There was a strong 
sentiment in the convention in favor of his nomination, 
but the leaders favored the selection of one less closely 
identified with the old Whig organization. An in- 
formal ballot for governor ii^ilted as follows : 

Ichabod Goodwin, of Portsmouth, 181, William 
Haile, of Hinsdale, 130, with 136 complimentary 
votes given to seventeen leading members of the party. 
Haile was nominated on the third ballot, and his 
nomination was made unanimous. 

The State committee selected by the convention was 
as follows : 

Rockingham County — James M. Lovering, of 
Exeter, Thomas L. Tullock, of Portsmouth, Amos 
Tuck, of Exeter, Joseph P. Morse, of Portsmouth, 
Amos C. Clement, of Plaistow. 

Strafford County — George M. Herring, of Far- 
mington, M. C. Burleigh, of Somersworth, Richard N. 
Ross, of Dover, George C. Peavey, of Strafford. 

Belknap County — H. A. Spear, of Laconia, J. P. 
Morrison, of Gilford, C. K. Kelley, of Sanbornton, 
George W. Morrison, of Gilmanton. 

Carroll County — William M. Weed, of Sandwich, 
Larkin D. Mason, of Tamworth, Luther D. Sawyer, 
of Ossipee, Elijah Wadleigh, of Wakefield. 



68 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Merrimack County — Edward H. Rollins, of Con- 
cord, George W. Everett, of J^ew London, Austin F. 
Pike, of Fraiiklin, Sylvester Dana, of Concord, Will- 
iam E. Chandler, of Concord, l^ehemiah G. Ordway, 
of Warner. 

Hillsborough County — Charles P. Danforth, of 
Kashua, Frederick Smyth, of Manchester, Charles H. 
Campbell, of Amherst, Hosea Eaton, of Xew Ipsmch, 
Daniel McCaine, of Francestown. 

Cheshire County — F. A. Faulkner, of Keene, 
Amasa May, of Gilsum, Milan Harris, of jSTelson, 
Charles J. Amidon, of Hinsdale. 

Sullivan County — John J. Prentiss, of Claremont, 
Ruel Durkee, of Croydon, Alvah Comings, of Cornish, 
Levi W. Barton, of N^ewport. 

Grafton County — John H. Thompson, of Holder- 
ness, George S. Towle, of Lebanon, Greenleaf Cum- 
mings, of Lisbon, Jacob C. Bean, of Enfield, Joseph 
Chamberlain, of Warren. 

Coos County — Aurin Chase, of Whitefield, Fred- 
eric G. Messer, of Colebrook, Barker Burbank, of Shel- 
burne, James S. Brackett, of Lancaster. 

The foregoing comprise the first State committee 
of the Kepublican party of ]^ew Hampshire. The 
names are almost identical with those appended to the 
call for the convention. There were seven changes and 
five additions. Of the names which appear in the 
committee but do not appear in the call the best 
known are those of William E. Chandler, Xehemiah 
G. Ordway, Charles J. Amidon, and Levi W. Barton. 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 69 

Chandler did not become of age until December 28, 
1856. 

The committee organized with the choice of Edward 
H. Rollins as chairman and Sylvester Dana as secre- 
tary, they having been chairman and secretary of the 
committee in the Presidential campaign of 1856. 

The work of the State committee in making the can- 
vass of the State and mapping out the campaign was 
done by Rollins, assisted by Secretary Dana and Will- 
iam E. Chandler, the latter being especially active in 
the preparation of circulars and other political litera- 
ture. Following so closely the strenuous Presidential 
canvass of 1856, this campaign was lacking in public 
demonstration, though no less earnestly conducted by 
the Republicans, As an indication of the frankness 
with which political methods were discussed by the 
newspapers at this time, the following extract from an 
editorial in the Statesman, addressed to " Republican 
Office-holders," is given. After referring to the activ- 
ity of the Democratic federal office-holders in the i)re- 
vious Presidential campaign, the Statesman makes this 
appeal to the Republican State officials : 

" There are now a good many men holding office in 
'New Hampshire whose tenure depends entirely upon 
the continuance of the Republican party in power. 
They have, therefore, an important stake in the ap- 
proaching election, and, as the men within New Hamp- 
shire who will hold positions under the government 
[federal] are at work to overthrow' the Republicans 
it is the duty of office-holders under the State govern- 



70 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

ment to do all in their power to thwart them. The 
enemy is quietly but diligently at work. The inmates 
of the custom-houses at Boston and Portsmouth are, 
we are informed, entertaining strong hope that ISTew 
Hampshire is about to go over to the black Democracy. 
A year ago, Hopkinton, in this county, and other 
to^^Tis were carried by emissaries and money from the 
Boston custom-house. . . . Probably these United 
States government ojBBce-holders will soon be prowling 
over the State attending to the closely balanced towns. 
It is, therefore, right that the Republican office-holders 
should meet them in their o^^^l mode of warfare." 

The total vote at the election of 1857 fell off some 
six thousand from the Presidential vote of 1856, but 
it was concentrated on the two candidates for governor 
of the Republican and Demjocratic parties, there being 
less than five hundred third party or scattering votes. 
The Republican candidate for governor had three thou- 
sand plurality, and over twenty-five hundred majority. 

When the legislature of 1857 met, Rollins was re- 
nominated for Speaker by acclamation on motion of 
Aaron F. Stevens, of Nashua. The principal com- 
mittee appointments included the leading men of the 
legislature. ISTapoleon B. Bryant, of Concord, was 
chairman of the committee of elections ; Henry A. 
Bellows, of Concord, of judiciary; James M. Lover- 
ing, of Exeter, of banks ; Jacob H. Ela, of Rochester, 
of retrenchment and reform, William H. Y. Hackett, 
of Portsmouth, of railroads; Frederick Smyth, of 
Manchester, of incorporations. On the judiciary com- 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 71 

mittee were Stevens, of ISTashua, Lewis AV. Clark, of 
Manchester, George W. Stevens, of Laconia, and Will- 
iam C. Patten, of Kingston. Ezekiel A. Straw, of 
Manchester, and James F. Briggs, of Hillsboro, were 
also members of this legislature. Briggs, who later 
became a Republican, was at that time a Democrat. 
He was a rival of Rollins for the Senatorship at the 
time the latter was defeated for reelection, in 1883. 
Stevens, of Nashua, and Ela became members of Con- 
gress. Smyth and Straw became governors of the 
State, and Clark was appointed, twenty years later, to 
the Supreme Court of the State. 

Upon this legislature devolved the duty of filling 
the vacancy in the United States Senate occasioned by 
the death of Senator James Bell, May 26, 1857. The 
Republican legislative caucus to nominate a candidate 
Was held soon after the legislature was organized. 
Only one ballot was necessary, and this was as follows : 

George W. K'esmith, of Franklin, 1 ; Amos Tuck, 
of Exeter, 8; Ichabod Goodwin, of Portsmouth, 23; 
Thomas M. Edwards, of Keene, 44 ; Daniel Clark, of 
Manchester, 110. 

The choice of Daniel Clark, who had been a prom- 
inent candidate for Senator in 1855, w^hen Hale and 
Bell were chosen, was commended in the highest terms 
by the Republican newspapers of the State. At the 
conclusion of his term, he was reelected for a full term 
of six years, serving in all ten years in the Senate, 
He became one of the leaders of that body, and was 
chosen president pro tern in 1864. The office at that 



72 LIFE OF EDWxVRD H. ROLLINS 

time was more important than now, as it carried with 
it the succession to the presidency. Clark was a man 
of great ability, attaining national distinction. His 
defeat for reelection, in 1866, for which he himself 
was in part responsible, was a distinct loss to the State. 
After the choice of his successor, he resigned to take an 
appointment as United States district judge for ]S"ew 
Hampshire, a position he held until his death. In 
1876, he was elected to the Constitutional Convention 
of the State and chosen to preside over its delibera- 
tion, a fitting and, as it proved to be, the best selection 
that could have been made. Xo one who saw him as 
he presided over this convention or took part in the de- 
bates of that body but felt the influence of his com- 
manding presence and impressive speech. 

Amos Tuck was one of the early Free-soilers of Xew 
Hampshire. He was elected to Congress in 1847, and 
twice reelected. Hostility to slavery extension kept 
him in opposition to the Democratic party, and he was 
a leading spirit in the founding of the Republican 
party. The designation " Republican "' was a name 
that he early suggested for the new party, and he con- 
tinued prominent in its coiuicils for many yeai'S. He 
became acquainted with Abraham Lincoln while both 
were members of Congress, and he was one of the three 
men considered by Lincoln for appointment as Sec- 
retary of the !Xavy in his first administration. Tuck 
was appointed naval officer of customs at Boston in 
1861, and reappointed by Lincoln in 1865. With the 
other officials of that port he was removed by President 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 73 

Johnson, who desired to make Hannibal Hamlin, of 
Maine, collector of Boston, and who, at that time, was 
attempting, through federal appointments, to secure 
support for his policy of reconstruction of the South in 
antagonism to that of the Republican majority in Con- 
gress. While naval officer at Boston, Tuck had strong 
support in the Republican caucus of 1864 as a candid- 
ate for the United States Senate. His interest in poli- 
tics continued until his death some years later, but he 
was not again a candidate for office. 

Thomas M. Edwards was at this time a prominent 
leader of the new party. He had taken a conspicuous 
part in the legislatures of 1855 and 1856, being chair- 
man of the judiciary committee in the latter year. In 
both legislatures he had borne a leading part in debates 
upon political questions. He was recognized as a man 
of character and ability, and worthy of promotion. In 
1859, he was elected to Congress, where he served two 
terms. 

At the close of the legislative session of 1857, Nehe- 
miah G. Ordway was appointed high sheriff of Merri- 
mack County, in place of William H. Rixford, re- 
moved by address of the legislature. Ordway had been 
made doorkeeper of the House of Representatives of 
the State in 1855, when the Know Nothing party at- 
tained power, and he was now coming to the front as 
an active party worker. He was a strong, courageous, 
and aggressive personality, indefatigable in his labors. 
His untiring industry and aggressive Republicanism 
soon brought him into leadership. Inspiring his depu- 



74 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

ties with his own zeal, by their aid he became an active 
force in political campaigns. Later, he was city mar- 
shal of Concord, and in 1863, after Rollins was sent 
to Congress, he was made sergeant-at-arins of the 
National House of Representatives, a position he held 
until his election to the Xew Hampshire legislature, 
in 1875. Subsequently Ordway was appointed Gov- 
ernor of the Territory of Dakota, largely through Rol- 
lins's influence. 

From about the time of Ordway's appointment as 
sheriff dates the political copartnership of Rollins, 
Chandler, and Ordway, an association which secured 
for the party a strong and able leadership, and for the 
State of J^ew Hampshire exceptional recognition at 
Washing-ton during Lincoln's administration. They 
formed, as it were, the Republican machine in the eyes 
of both party associates and political enemies. Few 
men in public life have been more bitterly or unjustly 
assailed. Campaigns were fought around their per- 
sonality. Their success provoked jealousy. At times 
it was doubtful who were more hostile to them, the 
Democrats who assailed them in partisan w^arfare, or 
Republicans who were envious of their leadership. 

For a period of four years, from 1868 to 1872, the 
hostility to the " finn," as Rollins, Chandler, and Ord- 
way were called, threatened the overthrow of the Re- 
publican party of ISTew Hampshire. So wrought up 
w^as this feeling of jealousy that some Republicans 
would have almost welcomed Democratic success in the 
State if it had brought with it the downfall of the 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES iO 

triumvirate. Yet looking over the literature of the 
time, one reaches the conclusion that the jealousy they 
provoked in the Republican party arose almost wholly 
from rival ambitions and disappointed hopes natural 
in a State producing a large number of able men as 
candidates for the few high positions which it had to 
bestow. Rollins bore with remarkable patience these 
personal attacks from within and without the party, 
but Chandler and Ordway fought them to the finish, 
especially the attacks from party associates. Their 
different attitudes under fire were due first to their 
different personalities, and second to their ofiicial re- 
lations at the time to the party. Rollins, as chairman 
of the State committee, was charged with the responsi- 
bility of Republican success in the State, while 
Chandler was holding no ofiicial position except that 
of secretary of the ISTational Committee, and Ordway 
was absent froin the State most of the time because of 
his official duties in Washington. Then again, the 
attacks were oftentimes more severely personal on 
Chandler and Ordway than on Rollins. Furthermore, 
Rollins did not lose sight of his ambition to go to the 
United States Senate, which could not be realized if 
the Republican party was defeated in New Hampshire 
by personal quarrels. Thus it was th-at for several 
years a great part of the history of the Republican 
party of New Hampshire was identified with the per- 
sonal and political association of these three men. 

The Democrats, following their custom, opened the 
campaign of 1858 early in the summer. Their State 



76 LIFE OF EDW.iKD H. ROLLINS 

convention met June 10, 185 7, while the legislature 
was in session. Asa P. Gate, of Xorthfield, was nom- 
inated for governor, and John M. Hill, of Concord, 
was made chainnan of the Democratic State commit- 
tee. Hill was a son of former governor and United 
States Senator Isaac Hill. He was a man of strong 
convictions and strong party feelings, but a most es- 
timable citizen. He was associated for a time with 
William Butterfield in the publication of the New 
Hampshire Patriot ^ a paper founded by his father. 
While not aspiring to office, he was an active leader 
and counsellor in the Democratic party for many years. 
In 1884, he was a nominee of his party for governor, 
polling the full party strength. In later life his par- 
tisan feelings softened, and in 1896, with thousands 
of other Democrats of ]Srew Hampshire, he refused 
to endorse the national platform and candidates of 
the Democratic party. He had intimate business rela- 
tions for many years with Rollins, each holdino; the 
other in high esteem. 

As soon as the legislature of 1857 adjourned, the 
Democratic newspapers began an attack upon the Re- 
publican State administration and this was continued 
throughout the campaign. The Democratic party of 
the country was dividing on the policy which Bu- 
chanan's administration was pursuing toward Kansas, 
and, therefore, Xew Hampshire Democrats were dis- 
posed to avoid national issues. 

The call for the Republican State convention was 
signed by the entire State committee. The convention 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES / i 

met at Concord, January 7, 1858. Anthony Colby was 
chosen president, and Governor Haile was renominated 
by acclamation. The platfonn was reported by Amos 
Tuck, and the issue of the campaign was outlined in 
this plank : 

" While we stand ready to defend on all proper oc- 
casions the measures of the government of this State 
since it has been under the control of the party now in 
power, and challenge the severest scrutiny of our en- 
emies, w^e yet refuse to be drawn away from the great 
national questions whose merits are more than all else 
at issue in the canvass which we this day inaugurate."' 

The convention was a very enthusiastic one, and was 
addressed during the proceedings by James W. ^ye, of 
New York, afterward United States Senator from 
Nevada. Rollins was reelected chairman of the State 
committee, and William E. Chandler was made secre- 
tary. The Statesman compliments Rollins for his zeal 
in having secured the organization of the Republican 
clubs in the various to^^^ls of the State before the meet- 
ing of the convention. Democratic attacks on the 
State administration were met and answered, but the 
issues brought home to the people by the Republican 
State committee and the Republican press were those 
of national import. 

This was a speaking campaign, although there were 
no speakers from outside the State on the Democratic 
side, and but few on the Republican. The principal 
speakers for the Democrats were John H. George, 
Walter Harriman (then a Democrat), John S. Wells, 



78 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

George W. Morrison, Lewis W. Clark, George W. 
Stevens, George A. Bingham, William T. iS'orris, and 
John M. Shirley. The Republican State committee 
appears to have drawn upon nearly all its local 
speakers for service in this campaign, and in addition 
they had the assistance of Thomas Russell and Charles 
C. Woodman, of Massachusetts, and the Rev. E. ISTute, 
a negro from Kansas. The activity of the Republi- 
cans in this canvass may be judged by the fact that 
more than seventy-five Republican meetings were 
scheduled for one of the closing weeks of the cam- 
paign. 

Rollins, in addition to his duties as chairman of the 
State committee, spoke a number of times in this cam- 
paign. His experience was enriched by an unexpected 
joint debate at Warner. Xapoleon B. Bryant had been 
advertised to speak there, but, being unable to fill the 
engagement, Rollins took his place. At the close of his 
speech one of the local leaders undertook to answer 
Rollins on the spot. Such occurrences were not un- 
common in those days. Only meagre accounts of the 
discussion survive in the newspapers of the day. The 
Democratic newspapers do not refer to it, but both the 
Independent Democrat and the Statesman credit 
Rollins with having the best of the debate. 

The election resulted in a great victory for the Re- 
publicans. It was a straight contest between the 
Republican and Democratic parties, no third party 
appearing in the field, and the scattering vote being 
surprisingly small. The election returns show the fol- 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 79 

lowing result: Haile, 36,326; Gate, 31,679; scatter- 
ing, 72. 

At the close of this campaign Rollins made a visit to 
Washington, probably his first, in company with 
George G. Fogg. The latter, in his editorial corre- 
spondence from the caj^ital to the Independent Demo- 
crat, refers to their visit and the courtesy shown them 
by Senator John P. Hale in extending to them the 
privileges of the floor of the United States Senate. 
Eighteen years of active political strife were to in- 
tervene before Rollins was to enter that body as a 
member. Fogg, in this correspondence, takes occa- 
sion to say that the recent political victory in Kew 
Hampshire was largely due to the " indefatigable 
labor " of Rollins as chairman of the State committee. 

The campaigns of both political parties of ISTew 
Hampshire at this time were conducted in the simplest 
and most economical manner. The rank and file were 
enthusiastic in the cause. They did the work assigned 
to them without compensation for time or expenses. 
They devoted days and nights to making canvasses. 
They rode miles in all kinds of winter weather to get 
information, attend conventions and rallies, and to get 
voters home. If they employed help, they gave the 
preference to voters of their own political faith. The 
headquarters in each town was usually a country store, 
and in many localities there were a Republican and a 
Democratic store. Custom at these stores was usually 
along party lines, the Republicans patronizing the Re- 
publican store, and the Democrats the merchant who 



80 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

voted their ticket. The country store and the tavern, if 
there was one, were places frequented by the actiye 
politicians, and the winter evenings were spent in polit- 
ical discussion, the local talkers displaying their acu- 
men in puncturing the weak points of their opponents' 
arguments. The newspapers were intensely partisan, 
publishing nothing that reflected upon their side, unless 
it was a garbled quotation to be branded as false or 
sho^vn up as inconsistent. Only the leaders read the 
newspapers of the opposition. The subscription lists 
of the party organs were made up almost wholly from 
devotees of the cause they represented. The " lying 
sheet " of the other side was banished from a majority 
of households. The political worker during the closing 
days of a campaign was excused by his employer from 
his daily toil without loss of wages if he could be of 
serAace to the party. The boys, too, were early inducted 
into politics, being taken to political rallies and as- 
signed to work which their elders could safely entrust 
to them. Even the women were imbued with the spirit 
of their husbands, fathers, and brothers, and entered 
with enthusiasm into campaigns, preparing many a 
supper with which to close a political rally. 

The records of the secretary of the Republican State 
committee for the years 1858, 1859, and 1860, for- 
tunately preserved, give authentic information of the 
manner of conducting the campaigns of those early 
days, the expenses of the committees, and how the 
funds were raised. As at present, the legitimate ex- 
pense of the campaign had to be provided for by the 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 81 

State committee, and was incurred in getting voters 
home, circulating literature, employing outside 
speakers, conducting correspondence, providing for 
State conventions and for mass-meetings at central 
points when these were held. These expenses were not 
so large as they are at the present day, but the com- 
mittee appears to have had equal difficulty in provid- 
ing for them. The funds were almost wholly raised 
from assessments of office-holders and candidates for 
elective offices. The federal patronage prior to March 
4, 1861, was in Democratic hands, and the Republicans 
had to depend upon the generosity of the State and 
county officials and their candidates for office. 

The salaries of State and couitty officials were very 
meagre. The governor received $1,000 a year, the 
secretary of state, $800, the deputy secretary of state, 
$200, while the fees of the office were divided between 
them, probably not enhancing their compensation to 
more than $1,200 and $500 respectively. The State 
treasurer received $600, the attorney-general, $1,800, 
the adjutant-general, $400, the chief justice of the 
supreme judicial court, $2,000, his associates, $1,800 
each, while the chief justice of the court of common 
pleas had a salary of $1,600 and his two associates, 
$1,500 each. The county solicitors received from 
thirty to fifty dollars annually, according to the size 
of the county, while the judges of probate had com- 
pensation ranging from $150 to $425 annually, the 
latter being the compensation of David Cross, judge of 
probate of Hillsboro County. Amos Hadley, who waa 



82 LIFE OF EDW^VRD H. ROLLINS 

State printer June 30, 1S59, received from the Stat^ 
$5,863.04 for the public printing. Members of Con- 
gress and United States Senators were at that time re- 
ceiving a salary of $3,000 a year. From the foregoing 
it will be seen how difficult it was to raise from $1,500 
to $2,000, which the Republican State committee re- 
quired for use in those campaigns. 

William E. Chandler was secretary of the State com- 
mittee in the campaigns of 1858 and 1859, and Ben- 
jamin F. Prescott began his long career as secretary 
in 1860. It is from the records of these three years 
that extracts are taken. At the organization of the 
State committee January 7, 1858, the chairman and 
secretary w^ere instructed to give to Charles C. Wood- 
man a written testimonial of their appreciation of his 
services upon the stump in the last two campaigns. 
After making arrangements for speakers and for a 
thorough canvass of the State by the first day of Feb- 
ruary, the committee voted : 

" That the list of uncollected assessments upon office- 
holders be forwarded to the county committees for 
collection. 

'^ That the New Hampshire delegation in Congress 
be assessed the sum of $500 toward the expenses of the 
campaign, reserving to the committee the right to call 
upon the delegation for $500 additional if needed. 

" To pay General James W. Xye fifty dollars for 
services and expenses to address the State convention." 

The delegation in Congress at that time consisted 
of Senators John P. Hale and Daniel Clark and Repre- 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 83 

seiitatives James Pike, Mason W. Tappaii, and Aaron 
H. Cragin. They were reqnired to pay $100 apiece 
into the campaign fund, with the contingency that each 
might be asked to duplicate this sum. Small as was 
the amount called for, some of the delegation appear 
to have been delinquent in its payment. That they 
sent only fifty dollars apiece is shown at the next 
meeting, Februaiy 10, 1858, when the committee 
voted : 

" That the secretary be requested to instruct the 
members of the House of Representatives in Congi*ess 
to forAvard fifty dollars each to the treasurer of the 
committee, being the amount still unpaid of their as- 
sessment voted January 7, 1858." 

This second demand of the committee was not hon- 
ored, for, at a meeting of the committee in November, 
1858, it was voted: 

" That the Congressmen (Senators already elected, 
and Representatives hereafter to be elected) be assessed 
$200 each. 

" That a request be made for fifty dollars each from 
the Representatives in Congress, being the balance of 
assessment heretofore ordered." 

The campaign of March, 1858, was simply a State 
election, the members of Congress being elected in the 
spring of 1857. The latter may have felt that the off 
year did not directly concern them, and that the assess- 
ment of the State committee was out of proportion to 
their interest in the campaign. It is possible also that 
they contributed to individual appeals outside of the 



84 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

State committee, for, at a meeting of the committee, 
January 3, 1860, it was voted: 

" That no money shall be credited to our members 
of Congi'ess unless the same shall first be sent to the 
State central committee." 

At this same meetings on motion of Anthony Colby, 
it was voted : 

" That Mason W. Tappan pay $100 due from him 
on his assessment." 

Tappan undoubtedly had as an offset to this assess- 
ment his contributions to some localities hard pressed 
for funds, as he was always responsive to such calls. 

At a meeting of the State committee January 20, 
1859, a finance committee, consisting of Edward H. 
Rollins, Joseph P. Morse, of Portsmouth, I^ehemiah 
G. Ordway, of Concord, Banbridge Wadleigh, of Mil- 
ford, Greenleaf Cummings, of Lisbon, and George W. 
Gilman, of Meredith, was appointed. At an adjourned 
meeting, they made a report which was accepted. The 
report proposed " a basis of assessment for State and 
county officers not elected by the people, excepting the 
governor, judges, attorney -general, and past and pres- 
ent members of Congress and candidates for the same." 
It was voted " to assess the Senators in Congress each 
$150, and the present Representatives in Congress each 
$100, and the candidates for the same each $200." Tt 
was also voted " that the secretary be authorized and 
instructed to write the Republican members of the 
bench and request fifty dollars each, also to write Gov- 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 85 

ernor Haile and Attorney-General John Sullivan for 
aid, without naming the amount." 

It was voted " that the matter of assessing the State 
liquor agent at Boston be left to the discretion of the 
officers of the committee." 

Voted " that the matter of campaign newspapers be 
referred to county committees with instructions to sub- 
scribe for as many as they see fit and to raise and pay 
to newspapers all they can." 

'' Voted that fifty dollars be appropriatd to the 
Winnej)isseogee Gazette." 

At the meeting of the State committee in February, 
1859, it was voted to give the town of Meredith an 
order for the assessment of Samuel W. Rollins. The 
latter at that time was solicitor for Belknap County, 
with an annual salary of thirty dollars. It is probable 
that his assessment was five dollars. 

At another meeting of the committee the same year, 
on motion of Henry O. Kent, of Lancaster, it was 
voted " that the assessment of officers be the same as 
last year, with the exception of Ethan Colby, of Cole- 
brook, and that the sum of ten dollars be placed after 
his name, instead of five dollars, and that the secretary 
inform the various officers of the amount assessed." 

In preparing for the spring campaign of 1800, it 
was voted " to assess each member of Congress $200, 
and that the treasurer draw from them the sum of 
$500 for this spring's campaign," 

The allotment of funds to the towns is shown at one 
of the meetings of the committee, when it was voted 



86 LIFE OF EDAYARD H. ROLLINS 

'' to allow ten dollars to Atkinson, ten dollars to New- 
ton, and twenty dollars to ISTe^vinarket, if there be 
funds." Twenty dollars was allotted to Brookfield, 
and it was voted to allow William M. Weed twenty-five 
dollars for money expended by him at Ossipee. 
Twenty-five dollars was allowed Austin F. Pike for 
Sanbomton. At that time Sanbornton was one of the 
large towns of the State, and included the present town 
of Tilton in its boundaries. It was closely contested, 
and the allotment made to it indicates the measure of 
help the State committee gave to the towns. 

The judges of the court appear to have responded 
to their assessment, with the exception of Chief Justice 
Ira Perley. He wrote a vigorous protest to the call 
made upon the court for political contributions, but 
commended the work of the committee, and expressed 
his deep interest in the cause. Whether he protested 
to enforce a principle, and then quietly handed in a 
contribution through some third party, as a later chief 
justice of the jSTew Hampshire court was accustomed 
to do, is unkno\\Ti. 

The practice of having the State committee prepare 
a list of officers for a coming State convention to 
be submitted to the convention for its ratification orig- 
inated at a meeting of the committee held April 25, 
1860, to arrange for tJie State convention which was 
to elect delegates to the Chicago N^ational Convention. 
On motion of Henry O. Kent, of Lancaster, it was 
voted " that one from each county be selected to report 
permanent officers for the convention to choose dele- 



POLITICAL ALLIANCES 87 

gates to the Chicago Conveution.'' The report of this 
committee was accepted, and then it was voted " that 
the list of officers proposed by the committee be pro- 
130sed to the convention bj the chairman of the State 
committee." The object of this innovation was to 
save the time of the convention in perfecting an or- 
ganization, and to give opportunity to the presiding 
officer to prepare an address, and to the committee on 
resolutions to prepare a platform. This precedent has 
been followed ever since, though in later years it de- 
volved upon the chainnan of the State committee and 
the executive committee to select some time in advance 
the presiding officer and committee on resolutions. 
Once, at least, in 1898, the practice was called in ques- 
tion, but the party representatives by a large majority 
decided to continue it. 

The meetings of the committee in these early years 
were held at one of the hotels in Concord, and appear 
to have been almost wholly executive sessions from 
which the public was excluded. The entire records 
of the secretaries for the years 1858, 1859, and 1860 
are contained in a blank book of some forty pages. 



CHAPTEK V. 

A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 

The call for tlie Republican State Convention of 
1859 was signed, as heretofore, by the full State com- 
mittee. There was no contest for the nomination for 
governor, as the Republican leaders now considered 
their party compact enough to present that sterling 
representative of the old Whig party, Ichabod Good- 
win, of Portsmouth, who had been a candidate two 
years before. At the time James Pike, Mason W. 
Tappan, and Aaron H. Cragin were renomin\ited for 
Congress, in 1857, it was expected that they would step 
aside at the close of their two terms for new candidates. 
The theory of rotation in office was generally accepted 
by the new party as a governing principle in nomina- 
tions, the governor and most of the members of the 
legislature receiving but two nominations. But, when 
the legislature of 1858 met, it had to choose a suc- 
cessor to United States Senator eTohn P. Hale. He 
had been elected in 1855 to fill out a vacancy occa- 
sioned by the death of Charles G. xltherton. Hale had 
served one full term from 1847 to 1853, and, with this 
part of a term, had had ten years in the Senate. To 
give him another term would accord to him greater 
length of service in the Senate than any of his prede- 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 89 

cessors in i^ew Hampshire. The question of rotation, 
therefore, was at once raised by other candidates and 
their friends. It was discussed in the press, but the 
standing of Hale before the country and the pressure 
from outside the State for his return, together with his 
home support, gave him an easy victory. 

Hale had been in public life since 1834, when he 
was appointed United States District xVttorney for 
New Hampshire by President Jackson. In 1843 he 
was elected to Congress as a Democrat. Opposing his 
party on the slavery question, he incurred its hostility 
when a candidate for reelection. This break with the 
Democratic leaders resulted in his election to the 
United States Senate, in 1817, by a coalition legisla- 
ture opposed to the Democratic party. For several 
years he stood almost alone in the Senate in opposition 
to slavery. He was nominated for the Presidency in 
1852 by the Liberty party. In 1865, at the expiration 
of his last term in the Senate, he was appointed min- 
ister to Spain. In 1859, he was one of the most prom- 
inent Republicans of the countiw. A ready and elo- 
quent speaker, he was a formidable antagonist in de- 
bate. His joint discussion on the slavery question with 
Pranklin Pierce, in the Old North Meeting-house of 
Concord, just after his break with the Democratic 
party, was an inspiration to the friends of liberty 
throughout the State, and gave him national promi- 
nence. In the Republican legislative caucus of 1859, 
he was nominated by a very large majority, the vote 
being as follows : William Haile, 1 ; George W. 



90 LIFE OF EDW.VED H. ROLLINS 

ISTesmith, 4; Anthony Colby, T; Amos Tuck, 2G; 
Thomas M. Edwards, 30; John P. Hale, 127. 

The Statesman editorially expressed the belief that 
Hale's reelection was a dangerous precedent for the 
Republican party to set, and intimated that this action 
of the legislature would justify Tappan and Cragin in 
asking for a third term in Congress. 

Soon after the legislature adjourned the canvass 
for delegates to the three Republican Congressional 
conventions began. Pike was not a candidate for re- 
nomination in the First District, but both Tappan and 
Cragin sought renominations in the other two districts. 
Rollins was a candidate in the Second District. His 
candidacy was only well under way when the New 
Hampshire Patriot opened upon him with a revival of 
its old charge made in the Speakership fight that he 
had coerced the party into retiring Prentiss for him- 
self, coupled with the statement that he and his friends 
had made overtures to John S. Wells, the Democratic 
candidate for governor in 1856, to elect Wells gov- 
ernor in return for Democratic support of Rollins for 
Speaker. That paper also intimated that Rollins had 
no sympathy with the Republican party. The Inde- 
fendent Democrat, Pogg's paper, made immediate 
reply, as follows: 

" The Patriot of this week contains a mean and das- 
tardly article written by John H. George charging 
Edward H. Rollins, of this city, with having conspired 
with the Hunkers, in 1856, to make John S. Wells 
governor. The charge is as false as the coon skin 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 91 

source, whence it originated, is base and dastardly. 
This much we say without consulting with Mr. Eollins, 
who is now out of the city, but who on his return will, 
we venture to promise, brand the lie as it deserves." 

The Patriot returned to the charge in its next issue, 
exonerating George of any connection with the article, 
but declining to give a bill of particulars on Fogg's 
simple denial. To this renewed attack Fogg replied: 
" The Patriot sticks to its whole-cloth lie that E. H. 
Rollins conspired with the Hunkers, in 1856, to elect 
John S. Wells governor. Let it stick to it. It may 
as well lie about that as anything else. The efficient 
service which Mr. Rollins has always rendered the 
Republican cause in this State has stirred up Hunker 
malignity to its lowest and foulest depths. Hence this 
lying charge of the Patriot. Mr. Rollins has served 
long enough and faithfully enough in the Republican 
party to render his political integrity secure from ques- 
tion. We herewith publish the remarks of the il/a/i- 
ch ester American upon this matter." 

The American, after reciting the charges of the 
Patriot, says: "We are authorized to deny this in- 
sinuation in toto. It is without the shadow of founda- 
tion. Mr. Rollins never proposed such a bargain, nor 
was a party to it, nor was there any such thing. We 
deem it proper to say thus much in relation to this 
matter because it has been brought before the public. 
We say it in justice to Mr. Rollins and to the Repub- 
licans who were in the legislature at the time, and to 
the Republican party." 



92 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Referring to the Patriot's insinuation that Rollins 
was not at heart a Republican, the American said: 
^' There is one thing we desire to say with the utmost 
distinctness, and that is that after a man has for a 
series of years manifested his attachment for the party 
and its principles, as has Mr. Rollins, his fidelity is 
not to be questioned. Mr. Rollins has since the year 
1855 acted in good faith with the present dominant 
party, and he is entitled to the fullest confidence and 
respect of the party. The Republican party of this 
State arose from the ruins of the old parties, and is 
composed of men from them all. It was called into 
existence by a new and remarkable crisis in public 
affairs. Its history is brief. ]!^ow, who is to be con- 
sidered only a true Republican ? Will one man say 
it must be a previous Whig? Another that it must be 
a former Democrat ? If so, where are we ? What 
general criterion of integrity have we ? We repudiate 
any such attempt at scouring up antecedents." 

As the Manchester American made a specific denial 
of the Patriot's charge, it is evident that Rollins was 
at Manchester when the Patriot article was brought 
to his attention, and gave then and there an authoriza- 
tion for the denial. As Manchester had a candidate 
for this Republican Congressional nomination in David 
Cross, the American's tribute to Rollins's party fealty 
is all the more emphatic. The Patriot made no further 
reference to its charges, .and the incident was closed 
for the campaign. The charge and denials both oc- 
curred several weeks before the convention was held. 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 93 

The Eepublicaii newspapers of Concord advocated 
editorially the claims of no candidate. The Nashua 
Telegraph supported Aaron F. Stevens, of Nashua. 
The Statesman, however, gave space to a communica- 
tion advocating Rollins's nomination as well as space 
to one the following week setting forth the claims of 
George W. JSTesmith, of Franklin. 

The convention met at Manchester, January 20, 
1859. An informal ballot was first taken, which re- 
sulted as follows: Charles H. Campbell, Amherst, 1; 
George W. Xesmith, Franklin, 7; William H. Gove, 
Weare, 16; David Cross, Manchester, 29; Aaron F. 
Stevens, E'ashua, 34; Edward H. Eollins, Concord, 
39 ; Mason W. Tappan, Bradford, 71. 

After the announcement of the result of this ballot, 
Eollins, Cross, and Nesmith withdrew. A formal 
ballot was then taken with this result: Frederick 
Smyth, 1 ; David Cross, 2 ; Edward H. Eollins, 10 ; 
Aaron F. Stevens, 31; William 11. Gove, 54; Mason 
W. Tappan, 99; and Tappan was declared the nomi- 
nee. 

There was a spirited contest in the other two Con- 
gressional districts. In the first district, the active 
candidates were Gilman Marston, of Exeter, and Joel 
Eastman, of Conway. The former was nominated on 
the second ballot. 

In the third district, Thomas M. Edwards, of Keene, 
was nominated on the first ballot, having as competi- 
tors Aaron H. Cragin, of Lebanon, Jacob Benton, of 
Lancaster, and Levi Barton, of Newport. 



94 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

The Republican State convention met January 4, 
1859, at Concord. ^N^apoleon B. Bryant, of Concord, 
who was Rollins's successor as Speaker of the House, 
was chosen president. Bryant was one of the recent 
converts to the Republican party, having been a Demo- 
crat up to the Presidential election of 1856. After 
serving two years as Speaker, he went to Massachusetts, 
where he practised law until his death. He was a man 
of distinguished appearance and an eloquent speaker, 
frequently taking part in ISTew Hampshire campaigns. 
His interest in New Hamj)shire continued through 
life, his summer home being in Andover. 

George G. Fogg reported the resolutions, all relating 
to national affairs. Although it was certain that Icha- 
bod Gbodwin would be the nominee for governor, a 
ballot was taken. Out of 373 votes cast, Goodwin re- 
ceived 368. A great stomi blocking roads and pre- 
venting travel occurred just before the convention, 
which accounted for the small attendance. 

The Patriot, in commenting upon the Republican 
ticket for governor and Congressmen, said that it was 
made up of old enemies of the Democratic party, all 
Whigs, no former Democrat being among the number. 

The Democratic convention met January 6, 1859. 
Asa P. Cate, of Northfield, was renominated for gov- 
ernor by acclamation. At the Democratic Congi-es- 
sional conventions, Daniel Marcy, of Portsmouth, was 
nominated in the first district, John H. George, of 
Concord, in the second, and William Burns, of Lan- 
caster, in the third. 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 95 

The campaign was most vigorously waged in the 
second district, where the Democratic candidate im- 
mediately took the stump. He issued a challenge to 
Tappan, his Republican opponent, to meet him in 
joint debate. Tappan declined on the ground that his 
duties as Congi'essman required his presence in Wash- 
ington where Congress was assembled in the short 
session. Later George's challenge was taken up by 
Charles C. Woodman, of Boston, who was assisting 
the Republicans on the stump, and, in a letter to 
George, he requested the opportunity of taking Tap- 
pan's place. George declined the request on the ground 
that Woodman was not a voter in the district, or a 
resident of the State. 

To no part of the State did Rollins devote more per- 
sonal attention than to the second district. All 
through the campaign he kept in close touch with the 
voters of that district. Immediately after Tappan's 
renomination, he gave to it prompt and unequivocal 
endorsement. Tappan wrote him a most appreciative 
letter. 

" House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
" January 28, 18.59. 

" Friend Rollins : — I have been intending for 
some time to drop you a line for the purpose of thank- 
ing you for the early and cordial endorsement you 
gave the nomination made at Manchester on the 20th. 
I do so now with all my heart. I have entertained none 
but the kindest feelings toward you personally, and 



96 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

have none other now. I could hope that nothing has 
occurred to mar the friendly relations that have al- 
ways existed between us. I endeavored to act honor- 
ably and frankly throughout the canvass. Whether 
I did so others must judge. I trust the nomination 
will prove for the best and that all will come right in 
the end. Let me hear from you as to the prospects and, 
believe me, truly your friend." 

The political rallies of the campaign of 1859 were 
largely addressed by local speakers on both sides. To 
assist the Democrats, Isaac H. Wright, Sydney Web- 
ster, who had been private secretary of President 
Pierce, and B. F. Hallett, of Boston, appeared and 
spoke in the State. The Republicans were assisted 
in their speaking by Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, Ga- 
lusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, Hannibal Hamlin, of 
Maine, John C. Underwood, of Virginia, and M. J. 
Parrott, a member of Congress from Kansas. The 
gubernatorial vote indicates the victory won by the 
Republicans: Goodwin, 36,326; Gate, 32,802; scat- 
tering, 27. All three Republican Congressmen were 
elected by good majorities, and there was the usual 
Republican majority in the legislature. 

With a taste for public life acquired by his service 
in the legislature, Mr. Rollins determined to qualify 
himself for any future honors which might be con- 
ferred upon him. He was now considered the coming 
candidate of his party for Congress in the second dis- 
trict when Mason W. Tappan should conclude his third 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 97 

term, and there was a reasonable prospect that he would 
soon be transferred to the national field of public af- 
fairs. While Rollins had been obliged to forego a col- 
lege course, he continued his education in leisure 
hours by extensive reading. He recogiiized that, if he 
was to take any important part in public life and par- 
ticipate in debates, he must acquire a facility of ex- 
pression which comes only from experience. He set 
himself to work in the hours that were free from busi- 
ness cares to further equip himself. 

Henry O. Kent, who had been clerk of the I^ew 
Hampshire House of Representatives when Rollins 
was Speaker, was at this time the editor of the Coos 
Republican, a Republican newspaper published at Lan- 
caster. Kent was a Republican leader in northern A*^ew 
Hampshire, and there existed between him and Rollins 
an intimate friendship which continued through life. 
Rollins asked Kent for the opportunity to ^vl'ite letters 
during the campaign of 1859 and '60 to the latter's 
newspaper, stating frankly his purpose in making this 
request, and soliciting such editorial revision of the 
manuscript as would be most beneficial to himself. 
An agreement was accordingly made, and for several 
months the readers of the Coos Republican read a 
chatty correspondence that dealt with politics and 
social affairs at the capital. The earlier letters have 
in them something of the cnidity of expression of an 
inexperienced writer, but there is a noticeable improve- 
ment toward the close of the series. Throughout them 
all there is a directness of expression for which Rol- 



98 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

lins was noted in later life. In discussing politics, he 
touched upon those features of political affairs which 
most readily caught the popular thought. There is 
even a vein of humor running through these letters 
as the correspondent appears to have given his imagi- 
nation full plaj. !No one enjoyed the quaint things of 
politics more than Rollins, although he was not given 
in later life to humorous speech. He thoroughly en- 
joyed the company of hright and witty companions, 
relishing a good story, but his own sense of the ridicu- 
lous he did not cultivate. These letters were written 
at the time he was chairman of the Republican State 
committee, and were probably composed in the back 
room of his drug store, so long the headquarters of the 
party. They appear over the signature of " Stark,'' 
and in all political references they show the intensity 
of the struggle then going on. The last but one of 
these letters was written after Abraham Lincoln had 
made his first speech in New Hampshire, in 1860. 
This was the first time Rollins had seen Lincoln, and 
his impressions of the man to whom he was ever after- 
ward ardently devoted are worth producing. He says: 
" It is worth a long walk to see the man. He is 
a unique specimen of the human family. Long, lank, 
and awkAvard, he presents the picture of a real Yankee. 
His voice is pitched on a high key and is anything but 
musical, but these oddities and peculiarities which 
would seem to detract from the efficiency of an orator 
all go to gain the sympathy of his hearers and to make 
his speeches what they are. For nearly two hours he 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 99 

held the house in perfect silence, while Ly his in- 
vincible logic, interspersed with the most apt illustra- 
tions, he showed the inconsistency and suicidal position 
of the Democracy with reference to the slavery ques- 
tion. His argTiments were perfectly unanswerable. 
His appeal to the Douglass Democrats and his charges 
upon Squatter Sovereignty were irresistible. I can 
give you no adequate description of his speech. It 
was, as our friends say, unquestionably the most can- 
did, convincing, and effective speech which we have 
had in Concord for years. If we could have Mr. Lin- 
coln address the people of our State for three weeks, 
we should triumph by ten thousand majority." 

Although Rollins does not disclose his identity in 
this correspondence, he is continually urging upon his 
fellow Republicans the necessity for more perfect or- 
ganization in order to secure victory. 

The call for Republican State convention of 1860 
was signed by Rollins as chairman of the State com- 
mittee, the first call of the kind that was signed solely 
by the chairman. The convention met January 3, 
1860. Frederick Smyth, of Manchester, was elected 
president. Governor Goodwin was renominated by ac- 
clamation. George G. Fogg reported the resolutions, 
and they all dealt with national affairs, except the one 
commending Goodwin's administration. 

The Democratic State convention was held October 
11, 1859. Walter Harriman presided over its delib- 
erations. Asa P. Gate, of T^orthfield, who had twice 
been the candidate of the party for governor, was again 

Lore. 



100 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

a candidate. James S. Cheney, of Manchester, was also 
presented to the convention for the nomination. On 
the first ballot there was no choice, Gate receiving 102 
votes, Cheney, 94, and 28 scattering. On the second 
ballot. Gate was renominated by 21 majority. Al- 
though educated for the bar, Cate was not an active 
practitioner. He was rather an office counsellor, his 
advice being sought by a large clientage. Few men 
have possessed more largely the confidence of the com- 
munity. 

It was in this campaign that Abraham Lincoln made 
his first appearance in New Hampshire. He spoke at 
Concord, Manchester, Dover, and Exeter. His first 
meeting was at Concord. At this meeting Kollins pre- 
sided. All of Lincoln's speeches made a deep impres- 
sion upon the Republicans of the State. It was his ap- 
pearance in New Hampshire that gave him, in the 
National Convention, on the first ballot, seven of the 
ten delegates from the State. 

The March election of 1860 was most important as 
bearing upon the Presidential election that year. A 
week before election Rollins published the result of the 
State committee's canvass. It was a novel experiment, 
never having been done before by the State committee 
of either party. Rollins's canvass gave the Republican 
candidate for governor 4,178 majority. His actual 
majority at the election was 4,471. 

The effect of the New Plampshire election upon the 
Republicans of the country is told in a letter of con- 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 101 

gratnlation and exultation from Congressman Tappan 
to Eollins. 



" House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
" March 15, 1860. 

" Friend Rollins : — All hail New Hampshire ! 
You have clone gloriously and our friends here are in 
high glee over the result. My room was crowded 
Tuesday night, and when my despatch from McFar- 
land and Jenks came you better believe we had a good 
time. There never was so much interest felt here in 
regard to the result in our State. You ought to have 
seen Gil Marston stride across my room. He is getting 
very fanatical and must be sent home, and a more con- 
servative man sent in his place, or the country Avill be 
ruined. 

" You are getting a national reputation, and your 
successful management is frequently spoken of by 
members from other States in the highest tenns of 
praise. I have named you as just the man to come 
here and take charge of the Presidential canvass. I 
think Perley will suggest it in his letters to the Boston 
Journal. Would you, or could you, come if it could 
be brought about ? 

" I sent my ' Thank God ' to Xew Hampshire over 
the wares Tuesday night. Did it get there ? What do 
the Hunkers say ? The reaction has indeed com- 
menced. I trust the ball will roll on through 
Rhode Island and Connecticut. Let me hear from 
you." 



102 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Immediately after the election, Tlollins and George 
G. Fogg went to Connecticut to participate in tlie cam- 
paig-n in that State, its election occurring at that time 
.the first Monday in April. There was frequently an 
exchange of talent in the campaigns of the two States. 
The election this year in Connecticut was a hard 
fought contest, and the Repuhlican victory which fol- 
lowed was a fitting supplement to the Republican tri- 
umph in New Hampshire. The Republican news- 
papers in Connecticut were very complimentary of 
Eollins's efforts in that State. 

Following closely the Connecticut victory was the 
Republican State convention of ISTew Hampshire to 
choose delegates to the Republican l^ational Conven- 
tion to nominate candidates for President and Vice- 
President, called to meet at Chicago, May 16, 1860. 
Republican sentiment was divided in the State over 
candidates for the Presidency. Fogg was inclined to 
the renomination of Fremont. In answer to a corre- 
spondent, he expressed the opinion in his newspaper, 
The Independent Democrat, that, while the politicians 
were not for Fremont, the people were. In an edito- 
rial as late as April 19th, a week before the Repub- 
lican State convention, he names as Republican can- 
didates for the Presidency John C. Fremont, Salmon 
P. Chase, William H. Seward, Edward Bates, and 
John McLean. In his newspaper of April 26th, he 
gives the names of those mentioned for the Chicago 
nomination in this order : William H. Seward, Salmon 
Chase, John C. Fremont, John P. Hale, Abraham Lin- 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 103 

coin, William P. Fessenden, iSTathaniel P. Banks, 
Simon Cameron, Edward Bates, John McLean, Ben- 
jamin F. Wade, and Heniy Wilson. This was his first 
mention of Lincoln as a candidate. In the same issue 
of his newspaper, he quotes correspondence of the New 
York Tribune in favor of Fremont. 

Rollins from the time of Lincoln's first speech in 
Xew Hampshire became a champion of his nomina- 
tion. In the advocacy of Lincoln, he was in accord 
with Chandler, Ordwaj, Tuck, and others. No attempt 
was made to commit the convention to any candidate, 
but the individual preference of the delegates chosen 
was pretty well known, and the sentiment of the con- 
vention was favorable to Lincoln by a large majority. 

The Eepublican State convention was held April 
26th. Joel Eastman, of Conway, was elected presi- 
dent. ISTo platform was adopted, this work being left 
to the j^atioual convention. Only one ballot was taken 
for four delegates at large. This was as follows : 
Austin F. Pike, of Franklin, 1 ; ISTathaniel Hubbard, 
of Tamworth, 1 ; Lemuel N. Pattee, of Concord, 64 ; 
David Steele, of Goffsto-s\Ti, 84 ; George M. Herring, 
of Farmington, 133 ; Amos Tuck, of Exeter, 381 ; 
William Haile, of Hinsdale, 385 ; Aaron H. Cragin, 
of Lebanon, 499 ; Edward H. Rollins, of Concord, 
514. The last four were declared elected delegates. 

The delegates from the three Congressional districts 
were as follows: First District: George Mathewson, 
of Dover, and ISTathaniel Hubbard, of Tamworth. 
Second District: Benjamin Martin, of Manchester, 



104 LIFE OF EDWABD H. ROLLINS 

and Francis H. Morgan, of Francestown. Third Dis- 
trict: Jacob Benton, of Lancaster, and Jacob C. Bean, 
of Enfield. Rollins was made chairman of the delega- 
tion. 

On the first ballot for President at the Chicago con- 
vention, 'New Hampshire cast seven votes for Lincoln, 
one for Chase, one for Fremont, and one for Seward. 
On the next ballot, ten votes of Xew Hampshire were 
given for Lincoln. The latter was especially gratified 
with the support he received from this State. With 
the exception of Tuck, who had been in Congress with 
him, Lincoln had no personal acquaintance with the 
Republican leaders of the State until the spring cam- 
paign of 1860. While he had made a deep impression 
by his speeches in that campaign upon the Republicans 
of the State, he had little reason to look for their sup- 
port on the first ballot. New Hampshire was the 
birthplace of Chase, and it was natural to suppose that 
her delegates would at least compliment him with their 
votes. Chase himself expected their support. Then 
there was, as Fogg had said, " a lingering affection 
in the State for Fremont," the first candidate of the 
part}^, while Seward, as the most conspicuous and best 
known of the candidates, was likely to be preferred 
before Lincoln. There is no doubt that Rollins's en- 
thusiasm for Lincoln had much to do in shaping the 
course of the Xew Llampshire delegation. Lincoln's 
appreciation of the help of !New Hampshire in secur- 
ing his nomination was shown all through his life, and' 
his relations with the Republican leaders of the State 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 105 

were always cordial, and with Rollins, Ordway, and 
Tuck most intimate. 

Fogg was continued as a member of the o^ational 
Committee, and made a member of the executive com- 
mittee. He was also chosen secretary. Rollins, as 
chairman of the delegation, was on a committee to 
notify the candidates, and Fogg accompanied the noti- 
fication committee on their trip. 

With the return of Rollins and Fogg to Concord 
a great ratification meeting was held at the capital, 
at which Rollins spoke for an hour, giving a graphic 
account of the proceedings of the convention. He was 
followed by Fogg in a similar vein of speech. 

There was no doubt of the result in New Hamp- 
shire, but Rollins's conduct of the campaign was as 
earnest as though the result depended upon getting 
out every vote. Quite a number of the prominent Re- 
publicans of the country participated in the New, 
Hampshire canvass. These were Salmon P. Chase, 
of Ohio, Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, Nathaniel P. 
Banks, Anson S. Burlingame, and Henry Wilson, of 
Massachusetts, Charles H. Van Wyck, of New York, 
and Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. Other 
speakers from outside the State were Israel Washburn, 
C. J. Gilman, and C. W. Walton, of Maine, Charles 
A. Phelps, of Boston, and E. D. Culver, of New York. 
Rollins presided at a great meeting at Concord, Oc- 
tober 6tli, at which Curtin and Burlingame spoke. The 
meeting was followed by a large torchlight procession 
in the evening. 



106 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

In a circular issued to the Republicans of New 
Hampshire by Rollins, October 29th, he gives a canvass 
of the voters. From this he figures a plurality of 
6,400 for Lincoln and a majority of 5,572. In com- 
menting upon the returns to the State committee, 
Rollins says : " The committee is well aware of the 
difficulties attending an accurate canvass of the legal 
voters of the State at this time, owing to the uncer- 
tain position of many Democrats, and, therefore, will 
not be at all surprised, nor will their conhdence in 
the ability of the working men of the party to cor- 
rectly canvass be in the least degree diminished, if the 
actual Republican majority far exceeds the above fig- 
ures." 

In this same circular, which was written after the 
October elections had forecast the choice of Lincoln 
for President, Rollins said : 

, " The condition of political affairs in ISTew Hamp- 
shire is such that it should render us as energetic in 
this campaign as in any of our earlier conflicts. In 
no State has proslavery Democracy waged a more des- 
perate warfare or struggled harder to regain lost posi- 
tion. Xowhere have they remained better united or 
more formidable as a party, and in some fonn the 
elements of opposition will be united in future State 
contests. iSTow is the time, in the flood tide of our 
fortune, to make our majority so strong as to render 
opposition powerless for years to come. Now is the 
time to carry for the Republican cause towns that have 
been heretofore with the opposition, and to acquire in 



A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS 107 

those towns a firm and enduring majority. Let it be 
the immediate duty of the Republicans of this State 
to obtain such a majority for Lincoln and Hamlin 
that beyond a doubt through all the coming administra- 
tion I^ew Hampshire, by the assistance of all its mem- 
bers of Congi-ess and by the moral support of Repub- 
lican officers in every branch of its government, will 
sustain the measures of that President whom it has 
labored so zealously to elect." 

The actual vote of the State was as follows : Lin- 
coln, 37,519; Douglas, 25,881; Bell, 4,441; Breck- 
enridge, 2,112. Lincoln's plurality over Douglas was 
11,639. His majority over all was 5,145. 



CHAPTER VI. 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 



The Democrats began the spring campaign of 1861 
immediately after the Presidential election of 1860. 
Complete returns of that election had not been received 
before they were holding conventions to nominate can- 
didates for Congress in the first and second districts. 
I^ovember 13, 1860, Daniel Marcy and John IT. 
George were nominated by the Democrats for Congress, 
the former by acclamation in the first district, and the 
latter by ballot in the second district. A faction of 
the party which had supported Breckenridge in the 
Presidential election held conventions and nominated 
B. W. Jenness for governor, Robert Morrison and Paul 
R. George for Congress in the first and second dis- 
tricts respectively. Later in the campaign, these can- 
didates of the Breckenridge wing withdrew, and their 
followers were advised to support the regular Demo- 
cratic nominees. In the third Congressional district, 
William Burns, of Lancaster, was renominated by the 
Democrats. 

The Democratic State convention was held Janu- 
ary 8, 1861. Ira A. Eastman, of Concord, presided. 

108 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 109 

The contest for the gubernatorial nomination was be- 
tween George Stark, of JSTashua, and Edward W. Har- 
rington, of Manchester, the former winning by a vote 
of 311 to ITT, with seven scattering votes. 

The Republican State convention met the same day, 
and was presided over by Samuel Upton, of Man- 
chester. Governor Goodwin, who had been twice 
elected, had considerable support for a third nomina- 
tion, while ISTathaniel S. Berry, of Hebron, Joel East- 
man, of Conway, Lemuel IST. Pattee, of Antrim, and 
Levi Chamberlain, of Keene, were active candidates. 
Two ballots were taken, and on the second Mr. Berry 
was nominated. 

The nomination of Berry, who had left the Demo- 
cratic party to become a Eree-soiler, and who had been 
the Free-soil candidate for governor from 1846 to 1850 
inclusive, was particularly distasteful to the Demo- 
cratic party. The PatHot was especially vehement 
in its attacks upon him. 

The greatest interest, however, centred in the Re- 
publican nomination for Congress in the second dis- 
trict. The candidates were Edward H. Rollins, David 
Cross, of Manchester, and Aaron E. Stevens, of 
I^ashua. The canvass for delegates was an earnest 
one. All three were leading Republicans active in 
the service of the party, and all had devoted supporters. 
Rollins undoubtedly profited by the fact that Hills- 
borough County was divided in its support between two 
candidates, while he had his own county of Merrimack 
practically solid in his interest. The convention was 



110 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

held at Manchester in January. A large number of 
the prominent Republicans of the district were dele- 
gates to this convention, many of them young men just 
coming upon the political stage. 

It was a very strong convention. The reader fa- 
miliar with Kew Hampshire politics for the generation 
following Lincoln's first election would recognize the 
names of a large number who became prominent in 
State and national affairs. The convention contained 
many of Rollins's friends, men who were attached to 
his ambitions and interests while he remained active 
in politics. Of these none was more devoted than 
Richard N. Batchelder, of Manchester, Starting in a 
business career, Batchelder early became interested 
in politics. He was at one time a leader among 
Manchester Republicans. On purely political grounds, 
he favored Rollins's nomination rather than that of 
one of his own townsmen, and to Batchelder's individ- 
ual efforts and influence Rollins was indebted in a 
large degree for his nomination. From this time for- 
ward Batchelder became Rollins's most intimate and 
trusted friend. Batchelder's public career was an 
honor to himself and a credit to his State. On the 
breaking out of the Civil War, he enlisted in the First 
New Hampshire Regiment, rising rapidly in rank 
until he became Chief Quartermaster of the Army of 
the Potomac, a position he held during the last year 
of the war. With the return of peace, he was com- 
missioned in the regular army. In 1890, he was ap- 
pointed Quartermaster General by President Harrison, 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 111 

being promoted over the beads of six of bis seniors on 
bis military record. Batcbelder was one of tbe great 
men of New Hampsbire. His interest in public af- 
fairs continued unabated to bis deatb. His counsel 
was sougbt by all the leading men of New Hampsbire, 
and bis silent influence was felt on many an occasion 
wbere tbe interests of bis native State were at issue. 
In executive ability and equipment be could bave con- 
ducted any department of tbe federal government, yet 
bis modesty was as pronounced as bis ability. 

Immediately after organization witb George Gt. 
Fogg as president, tbe convention proceeded to ballot 
for a candidate for Congress. Five ballots ^ were 
necessary to secure a cboice, Rollins slowly gaining, 
but Cross and Stevens holding their support until tbe 
last ballot. The convention was harmonious through- 
out, and at tbe close of the balloting Rollins's nomina- 
tion was made unanimous. 

The day following bis nomination the Statesman 
pays Rollins this tribute : 

" The gentleman whose name stands at the head of 
this article, and whoni tbe people of this district, in 
this grave juncture in public affairs, have honored 
with a seat in the National Councils, was born in 1824 



1 CANDIDATES 


1st 


2d 


3d 


4tli 


5th 


Masou W. Tappan, of Bradford . 


. 1 






5 


13 


Austin F. Pike, of Franklin 


. 3 










William H. Gove, of Weare 


. 4 








2 


David Cross, of Manchester 


. 45 


42 


48 


52 


38 


Aaron F. Stevens, of Nashua 


. 62 


66 


69 


49 


37 


Edward R. Rollins, of Concord . 


. 86 


92 


94 


95 


108 



112 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

in that section of Somersworth which is now embraced 
in the town of Eollinsford, and is consequently thirty- 
seven years of age. ... In the years 1850 and '51 he 
was one of the leading members of the Whig State 
committee, and when the American party was initiated 
in this State, in 1855, he early, and with all his polit- 
ical forecast and ardor, enlisted in that organization. 
He was the second official in rank in that association, 
and, by his ceaseless and truly marvellous activity in 
that position, actually saved the State from the slough 
of Hunkerism in 1856. And when, in that year, as 
an inevitable result of the breaking up of the Missouri 
Compromise, and of the consequent opening of the 
flood-gates of agitation, old party landmarks were 
obliterated, Mr. Rollins was one of the most active and 
efficient leaders in the organization of the Republican 
party, which grew out of that commotion, and was at 
once raised to the head of its State committee by the 
unanimous voice of the far-sighted, energetic spirits 
who headed the gi-and movement ; a position which he 
has continued, by the same unanimity of expression, 
and with the most conspicuous ability, to occupy down 
to the present period. At the head of this committee 
he devised and put into practical operation that rigid 
and accurate system of canvassing which has been a 
fortress around the Republican organization ; which 
has, again and again, been in the most flattering terms 
commended as a model scheme by the leading presses 
throughout the country, and has been the wonder and 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 113 

admiration of leading political managers in Washing- 
ton. 

"In 1855 he was elected to the popular branch of 
the legislature from the most populous ward in this 
city, and returned to that position in 1856 and 1857, 
by increased majorities, in both of which last men- 
tioned years he was Speaker of that body. He dis- 
charged the duties of the presiding officer mth eminent 
acceptance, and the journals of that assembly for those 
years are conclusive evidence of the expeditious man- 
ner in which business was transacted under his direc- 
tion. 

" In 1859, his name was one of the most prominent 
before the convention as a candidate for Congress ; 
but when the harmony and efficiency of the party 
seemed to demand it, he promptly and cordially with- 
drew his name from the canvass, that Mason W. Tap- 
pan, whose Congressional career has shed lustre upon 
the whole State, might be returned for his third term. 

" Few men in New Hampshire have done so much, 
and no man has done more, for the organized strength 
and vigor, and for the complete, unwavering triumphs 
of the Eepublican party in this State, than Edward 
H. Rollins, and he has never failed in the full and 
efficient discharge of every public duty and trust 
hitherto confided to his care. With the impulses of 
an exalted ambition, it is kno^vn that he has for years 
made political economy and the general philosophy of 
government a subject of careful study. He has a 
familiar knowledge of the legislative history and pol- 



114 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

icy of the government, and no man Letter than he 
understands the political convictions and wants of the 
people whom he is called to represent." 

The New Hampshire Patriot in commenting upon 
Rollins's nomination said : " Mr. Rollins was the can- 
didate of the ' Yield not an inch ' section of his party, 
that portion who, having forced their party into the 
extreme position and the adoption of the ultra doc- 
trines which have brought the Union to the brink of 
ruin, and the country to the imminent danger of civil 
war, are now laboring to prevent a settlement of the 
difficulties, and declaring that they will make no con- 
cessions to avert the calamities impending over their 
heads. This is Mr. Rollins's position, and to support 
him is to endorse this ground and to aid in bringing 
upon the country the untold calamities which must 
follow its adoption." 

The Independent Democrat^ George G. Fogg's news- 
paper, said: 

" Considering the animated contest for delegates 
which preceded the convention, its proceedings were 
remarkably free from anything like ill feeling. Sev- 
eral ballots were required to make the nomination, 
but, when made by a majority vote, the friends of the 
other candidates came promptly forward and moved 
to make it unanimous. This was done with a will, and, 
after short and eloquent speeches by Mr. Rollins and 
Judge Cross, the convention adjourned. Of the can- 
didate selected we need say but little. He is known 
to nearly every prominent Republican in tlie district. 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 115 

Having held the j)osition of chairman of the Kepubli- 
can State committee ever since the organization of the 
party, he has had opportunity to show his devotion to 
Republican principles. How he has improved that 
opportunity the efficient and almost perfect organiza- 
tion of the party sufficiently attest. We have had 
peculiar advantages for understanding the nature and 
extent of his services and the thorough business man- 
ner in which he has discharged all the duties of his 
difficult and responsible position. Without participat- 
ing actively in the canvass which has resulted in his 
nomination, it gives us pleasure to endorse him as em- 
inently deserving the support of every Republican of 
the district. Possessed of indomitable energy, em- 
inent practicable ability, and thorough acquaintance 
with the politics of the country and hearty devotion 
to the purposes and principles of the Republican party, 
we predict that the people of this Congressional dis- 
trict will find in him a representative thoroughly faith- 
ful to their interests and principles and at all times 
ready and able to defend them." 

The Republican majority in New Hampshire at the 
Presidential election of 1860 was so large that the 
Democrats had little hope of redeeming the State. 
Yet they made great efforts to unite their party and 
were not without expectations of defeating Rollins for 
Congress. His nomination had not been secured with- 
out disappointment to other aspirants and their 
friends. All of Rollins's competitors for the nomina- 
tion were lawyers, and the triumph of a merchant over 



116 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

members of the bar caused no little chagrin to these 
men. This feeling was fostered by the Democratic 
press in their efforts to compass Eollins's defeat. 
His preeminennce in the party had been largely ac- 
quired through his successful leadership in political 
campaigns, and the Democrats made it their policy to 
sow seeds of discontent by belittling Rollins's equip- 
ment for public life. Their efforts in this direction 
were not without effect in his subsequent career, when 
he had as competitors for the United States Senate 
men eminent in the legal profession who had served 
like himself in Congress. It is not strange, therefore, 
that Oilman Marston, Aaron F. Stevens, Mason W. 
Tappan, and other distinguished members of the bar, 
conscious of their own fitness and training for public 
life, should look askance at the promotion of a mer- 
chant to the highest honors of the State. The Demo- 
crats never allowed this feeling to slumber. In their 
view, to defeat Rollins's ambition was to eliminate 
him from the management of political campaigns. If 
defeated and disappointed he retired from political 
life, they expected to recover their control of the State. 
Having centred their attack upon the second Con- 
gressional district, the Democrats sought to strengthen 
themselves by a change of candidates. The all-absorb- 
ing issue at this time was the preservation of the fed- 
eral Union. Several Southern States had already se- 
ceded, and others were sure to follow. Lincoln would 
not be inaugurated President until within a few days 
of the State election in ISTew Hampshire. There was 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 117 

every indication that he would be President of a 
divided country. Both political parties in Isew Hamp- 
shire proclaimed their love for the Union, but they 
differed widely in their views of how its integrity 
should be preserved. The Democratic candidate for 
Congress in the second district, John H. George, was 
a pronounced State rights Democrat. Some other 
Democrat of less pronounced views, the Democratic 
leaders thought, would receive more votes. In this 
view George coincided, and, in a open letter, withdrew 
as a candidate. The Democratic convention was reas- 
sembled, and without dissent Samuel D. Bell, of Man- 
chester, chief justice of the supreme court of the 
State, was nominated. Bell had been a Whig until the 
annexation of Texas. He then identified himself with 
the Democratic party, but at no time had been active 
in politics. He was a man of large legal and literary 
attainments. He had been appointed to the bench by 
the Democrats in 1849, and was not displaced when the 
Bepublican party came into power and reorganized 
the courts. His appointment as chief justice was an 
acknowledgment of his eminent fitness for the posi- 
tion. 

Judge Bell was nominated upon no platform, but 
put forward by the Democrats as an independent can- 
didate who would subordinate party to the salvation 
of the Union. He did not resign from the bench, and 
took no active part in the campaign. Paul R. George, 
the candidate for Congi-ess of the Breckenridge Demo- 
crats, immediately withdrew and advised his sup- 



118 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

porters to vote for Bell. The whole interest in the 
campaign now centred in this Congressional district. 
Few speakers from other States were brought into 
ISTew Hampshire by either party, nor was there a 
large number of political rallies. Rollins, besides 
conducting the campaign as chairman of the State com- 
mittee, spoke in various towns of his district. He had 
acquired the art of speech-making, and had become an 
earnest and forceful campaign speaker. The Inde- 
pendent Democrat, referring to his speech at Nashua 
in this campaign, said: " Mr. Rollins spoke for two 
hours. Yet the gratified audience hung untired upon 
his words, and called earnestly for more." The time 
occupied by speakers in those days testifies to the in- 
tensity of interest in political issues. At a rally held 
at Warner, addressed by Rollins, Allen Tenny, and 
]^eheraiah G. Ordway, Rollins is credited in one news- 
paper as speaking for two hours, and in another as 
speaking for three hours. John H. George, in writ- 
ing to the Democratic State committee of one of his 
meetings in this campaign, said that he held his audi- 
ence for three hours and a half, and reports of other 
rallies refer frequently to speeches of from two to 
three hours in length. 

Rollins's style of stump-speaking was always a chal- 
lenge io his political opponents. He never spared the 
shortcomings of the Democratic party. If his speeches 
were not calculated to win converts, they roused the 
enthusiasm of Republicans to the highest pitch. A 
thorough master of details, Rollins was at his best when 



ELECTION TO CONGRESS 110 

any of his statements were questioned by his audience, 
and interruptions at his meetings were of frequent 
occurrence. His preparation of speeches was by topics, 
with plenty of data for reference. He wrote out no 
speeches beforehand, and, therefore, had no set speech 
to deliver. An interruption or a question from the 
audience was likely to develop an entirely different 
speech from the one he intended to make. He threw 
down the gauntlet to the Democratic party at the open- 
ing of every meeting, and, if it was picked up by any 
one present, he was ready to both defend and further 
attack. His speeches stirred Republicans to renewed 
activity while they exasperated Democrats, He in- 
variably closed with predictions of victory in the State. 
The verification of his canvasses gave to his predic- 
tions the stamp of prophecy, and, however angered his 
opponents might be at his speeches, they left the meet- 
ing with the depression which comes of the feeling that 
the fight is hopeless. Rollins understood this as well as 
any one, and his attendance at a political rally in a 
debatable town was a source of strength to his party. 

The returns on election night showed the Republi- 
can victory to be complete. The vote for governor was 
as follows : 

Scattering, 24 ; George Stark, Democrat, 31,452 ; 
JsTathaniel S. Berry, Republican, 35,467. The Re- 
publicans had a majority of the legislature, and elected 
all three Congressmen, Rollins's majority being about 
nine hundred. 

When the legislature organized the following June, 



120 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Edward Ashton Rollins, a cousin of Edward H. Rol- 
lins was elected Speaker of the House. These two 
cousins were sometimes confounded in public life, 
owing to the similarity of their names. Ashton Rol- 
lins, after sen-ing two terms as Speaker, was appointed 
Commissioner of Internal Revenue, a position he held 
until he removed to Philadelphia, where he engaged in 
business, becoming president of the Centennial Na- 
tional Bank of that city. His interest in his native 
State continued through life. One of his public gifts 
to New Hampshire is the handsome chapel at Dart- 
mouth College. 



CHAPTER VII. 

IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 

The thirty-seventh Congress was called by Presi- 
dent Lincoln in extra session to meet July 4, 1861. 
Fort Sumter had been fired on by the Confederates, 
and war between the States was actually begun. Con- 
gress was called upon to provide ways and means for 
subduing the insurgent States, and had to face many 
new problems. Rollins met as associates in the House 
of Representatives a number of men, some of them new 
members like himself, who were to play a prominent 
part in the subsequent history of the country. Of this 
number M^ere Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont, Henry 
L. Dawes, of Massachusetts, Roscoe Conkling, Reuben 
E. Fenton, William A. Wheeler, and Charles H. Van 
Wyck, of New York, William D. Kelley, Thaddeus 
Stephens, Galusha A. Grow (Speaker), and John Co- 
vode, of Pennsylvania, George H. Pendleton, Clement 
L. Vallandingham, Samuel S. Cox, John A. Bingham, 
and James M. Ashley, of Ohio, William S. Holman, 
George W. Julian, Daniel W. Voorhees, and Schuyler 
Colfax, of Indiana, Elihu B. Washburne, Owen J. 
Lovejoy, and John A. Logan, of Illinois, Aaron A. 

121 



122 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Sargent, of California, and William Windom, of Min- 
nesota. Rollins afterward served in the Senate with 
Morrill, Dawes, Conkling, Van Wyck (then of Ne- 
braska), Pendleton, Voorhees, Logan, Sargent, and 
Windom, vrith William A. Wheeler presiding over 
tiie Senate as Vice-President, from March 4, 1877, to 
March 4, 1881. 

Of the JSTew Hampshire delegation. Oilman Marston 
and Thomas M. Edwards were serving their second 
term. In the committee assignments, Marston was put 
on the committee of military affairs, and Edwards on 
Indian affairs and public expenditures. Rollins's as- 
sigiiments were the committees on District of Columbia 
and accounts. Roscoe Conkling was chairman of the 
committee on the District of Columbia. From this 
association with Conkling sprang up an admiration 
for the Senator from IvTew York which Kollins enter- 
tained through life. 

The extra session lasted until August 6th. Rollins's 
activity was confined to committee work during this 
session. The most important measure Avhich he intro- 
duced, and afterward championed before the commit- 
tee, was one to " repeal certain laws and ordinances in 
the District of Columbia relative to persons of color." 
This measure, which had for its object the ameliora- 
tion of the condition of the negroes in the District of 
Columbia, was referred to the district committee of the 
House, and subsequently was reported favorably by 
Rollins. He had the satisfaction of securing its im- 
mediate passage. 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 1*23 

It was while Congress was in extra session that the 
first battle of Bull Run occurred. The troops called 
for by the President's proclamation were assembling in 
Washington ; the l!^ortli was impatiently demanding 
an advance on Richmond, which demand was being 
persistently urged by their representatives in Congress. 
General Scott, the commander - in - chief, protested 
against such a movement with undisciplined troops as 
hazardous. Civilian advice, however, prevailed over 
military protest, and an advance of the Union forces 
was ordered. Many CongTessmen and Senators ob- 
tained passes to ride in the rear of the army and wit- 
ness the conflict, which was sure to occur when the 
Union forces met those of the Confederates. Rollins 
was among the number who went to the battle-field. 
He barely escaped capture after the battle. Writing 
his wife, he thus describes his experience : 

" My dear Ellen : — On my return from the bat- 
tle-field this morning, I find your interesting letter. 
I was glad to hear from you all at home. It made me 
sad, however, to read it, particularly that part where 
you allude to the lost one and Edward's mourning so 
for him. It is a great loss for us all, and we must long 
mourn his early departure. I could not keep back the 
tears, but perhaps I was the more sad, for I had just 
witnessed the retreat of our troops. 

" Senator Lane, of Indiana, George Marston, and I, 
with single carriage and one saddle-horse, left the city 
Saturday afternoon for the seat of war. I mounted 



124 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the horse and we proceeded as far as Fairfax Court- 
house, seventeen miles, the same evening, and spent 
the night with a secessionist, who gave us some supper 
and good beds. This is the town from which our 
forces drove the Confederates a few days since. Early 
the next morning we went on to Centreville, nine 
miles beyond. When we reached this point, we found 
the troops had been in motion for hours. We took our 
position on the high ground, where we saw the move- 
ments of the troops in the valley below as they 
marched to make the attack upon the enemy's lines. 
The attack began about 10.30 a. m., after a march of 
about ten miles. Our soldiers had been under arms 
for hours, and some of them, including our regiment, 
had gone without breakfast. Where we stood, we 
could have a pretty good view of the scene of action, 
but trees prevented us from seeing the troops. We 
could see the smoke and hear the sharp crack of the 
rifle and musket and the roar of the cannon. It was 
very exciting, I can assure you, and we remained there 
watching the progress of the battle until about four 
p. M. All the early part of the fight, and, in fact, until 
about four in the afternoon, our people had the best 
of it and were driving the Confederates back. Our 
forces engaged were not really over twenty thousand, 
while those of the Confederates were estimated at 
more than double that number, with a good artillery 
support. The battle seemed to be a victory in our 
favor, when suddenly a panic appeared to seize our 
army, perhaps because the enemy had received large 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 125 

reinforcements, and then began a very disorderly re- 
treat. 

" Our Second Regiment fought bravely and were 
among the last to quit the field. Colonel Marston is 
wounded in the arm and breast. I cannot tell how 
many we have lost from our regiment, but I hope not 
many. The loss generally in the battle is very heavy, 
for it was strongly contested. Many of our troops, 
after leaving the field, thought the enemy in immediate 
pursuit, and the utmost confusion prevailed. 

" We remained in our position until dark watching 
the forces as they retreated toward camp. The 
ofiicers were unable to rally the men, and the retreat 
was now turned into a rout. The road was full of 
men, horses, and wagons, and it was pretty difficult 
for us to move. Having no confidence in the alarm 
or that the enemy were pursuing, we made no haste 
to return to Washington. After being on our way a 
short distance, we retraced our steps to Centreville, 
put up our horses, and took tea with a friend of Senator 
Lane. We then stretched ourselves out upon the floor 
for some sleep. About eleven o'clock that night, a man 
on horseback rode into the yard and said the order had 
been given that all must retreat and that we must go. 
I had not slept a wink. We harnessed up and started 
off. Our stop was no doubt hazardous, for we were 
very near the enemy, who would have been glad to 
have taken us prisoners. There were many members 
of Congress and Senators upon the field, and it is re- 
ported that some of them were taken. We took up our 



126 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

line of march for Washington and, in a very brief 
time, overtook the retreating armj, which we found in 
the utmost disorder and confusion. All mixed to- 
gether were officers and men, artillery, baggage, and 
ambulance wagons, following no orders, but each man 
for himself. Now think of our ride. I was in the 
carriage and Lane on horseback for twenty-six miles 
over bad and, in many places, narrow roads, in the 
midst of an army retreating in disorder, with men, 
horses, wagons, and artillery cumbering the highway. 
We soon found ourselves in the midst of all this con- 
fusion pushing forward to get to the capital as early 
as possible. Sometimes we would be between artillery- 
wagons and at others between baggage-wagons which 
might crush our light vehicle at any moment. Some- 
times we would be pushing through a dense mass of 
moving men, with wounded and tired ones asking us 
for aid. We took in one wounded fellow and brougjit 
him here. It was a night's ride I never shall forget. 
We reached Washington at eight o'clock this morning, 
some of our friends fearing we were captured. Just 
before reaching the city, we gave our last lunch to 
some of the Goodwin Rifles who were glad enough to 
get it. You may think it strange that we ran the risk 
we did, but I do not regret it, although I must admit 
that there were many moments when I would have been 
quite willing to have exchanged my place for a seat by 
your side at the old mansion at Rollinsford, with a 
bowl of sweet milk that I always find there, not less- 
ened in quality by being robbed of its cream. 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 127 

" The troops were fearful of an attack from cavalry 
at Fairfax, so the ranks were opened and a big gun 
placed in the advance. We were in the midst of a jam 
all the way, and only got relief at Long Bridge, where 
all the soldiers were halted and cared for. I send 
Edward a relic of the enemy. You better not let any 
one read my letters. They are nothing but scrawls. 
Yours affectionately." 

While in Washington, Rollins was in constant cor- 
respondence with the Republican leaders of the State, 
keeping in close touch with the political situation. It 
was just after the battle of Bull Run that he received 
the following letter from Bainbridge Wadleigh. 

" In accordance with my promise I will drop you a 
few lines in reference to matters in New Hampshire. 
You are, of course, aware that the disaster at Bull Run 
produced a profound impression upon the public mind 
here. It lifted the curtain, and showed us the magni- 
tude of the preparations that the rebels have made for 
a sang-uinary war. Many of our timid Republicans 
shrink aghast from the prospect which has been im- 
folded to their view. But with other of our friends 
their spirits rise to the magnitude of the occasion. 

" As for myself, I am convinced that there is but 
one course left for us, and that is to keep fighting 
until we beat the rebels. Large as the country is, it 
is not large enough for two governments so adverse 
to each other in character as ours and that of the 
rebels. A division of the Union must result in long, 



128 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

harassing, and bloody border wars like the contests 
which for ages raged along the English and Scottish 
frontier. I am glad that the administration and Con- 
gress look at things in the same light and that the war 
is to be vigorously prosecuted. . . . 

" One thing is pretty evident, is doing all 

he can to shape public opinion so as to procure a result 
in the next election which will gladden the ears of 
Jeff. Davis and his co-conspirators. Many other Dem- 
ocrats are helping him. Many of our men will be 
absent at the war, and many others shaken by the 
wholesale charges of corruption hurled at so many of 
our office-holders by Democrats and Republicans alike. 
You should be at home here so that Ave may have the 
benefit of your skill in cariying on an election." 

This letter discloses the political situation in ISTew 
Hampshire. It was critical. The Bull Run defeat 
had dampened the courage of the Republicans. The 
curtain was indeed lifted and the magnitude of the 
conflict disclosed. Would the Republican administra- 
tion at Washington be equal to the emergency ? The 
faint-hearted were inclined to doubt. Love of the 
Union was paramount with many to the destruction 
of slavery, the cause of the war, and not a few were 
inclined to further compromise with the slave power 
if thereby the integrity of the nation could be pre- 
served. The administration at Washington must be 
supported by the Republicans of 'New Hampshire, yet 
that support must not be made so partisan as to con- 
solidate the Democratic party in opposition. Care 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 129 

must be taken in preparing the call for the approach- 
ing Republican State convention, and in conducting 
the canvass so as not to alienate the Democrats, who, 
when Sumter was fired upon, had cast aside party 
ties in their patriotic efforts to put down the rebellion. 
To Rollins, therefore, as chairman of the State com- 
mittee, the Republican leaders in New Hampshire 
looked to outline the policy to be pursued. 

Returning home after the extra session of Congress, 
he gave his attention to this work. Realizing that his 
duties as a member of Congress would require his pres- 
ence in Washington during the winter months each 
year, and that, therefore, he could give but little per- 
sonal attention to the affairs of the State committee, 
he determined to retire from the chairmanship when 
a new committee was elected. The preliminary work 
of the campaign, however, devolved upon him, and he 
gave it his most zealous attention. The call for the 
State convention was prepared under his direction, 
and signed by the entire Republican State committee. 
Its tenor will be readily seen from the opening para- 
graph. 

" A delegate convention representing all the people 
of the State of Xew Hampshire in favor of sustaining 
the national administration in the vigorous and effect- 
ive prosecution of the war against treason and re- 
bellion, and of maintaining at all hazards in their 
original integrity the constitution and union of the 
United States, will be held at Phenix Hall, in Concord, 
January 1, 1862," etc. 



130 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

There was considerable sentiment among Repub- 
licans in favor of the nomination of some war Demo- 
crat or some Republican of Democratic antecedents 
as the party candidate for governor. Responding to 
this sentiment, Governor Berry addressed a patriotic 
letter to the Republican convention offering to waive 
any claim to the party usage of a second nomination 
if it were felt that a stronger candidate than himself 
could be selected. This letter was read to the conven- 
tion after it had organized with the choice of Aaron 
H. Cragin as president. The informal ballot which 
followed disclosed the following result : Scattering, 3 ; 
John Sullivan, of Exeter, 107 ; Paul J. Wheeler, of 
I^ewport, 111 ; Nathaniel Berry, of Hebron, 2 GO. 

A formal ballot was then taken, which gave Berry 
a majority, and his nomination was made unanimous. 
At a meeting of the Republican State committee An- 
thony Colby, of ISTew London, was elected chairman, 
and Benjamin F. Prescott, of Concord, secretary. 

The Democratic State convention met a week later. 
The party was divided on both the platfomi to be 
adopted and the candidate to be nominated. The ultra 
State rights Democrats, led by John H. George, fa- 
vored the renomination of George Stark, and a declara- 
tion in the platform that slavery as an institution 
should not be disturbed in the prosecution of the war. 
The more conservative Democrats desired a new can- 
didate, less pronounced in his views, and a platform 
more in keeping with the spirit of the times. Pore- 
stalling any discussion which might ensue over the plat- 



IN THE THIRTY - SE^T:NTH CONGRESS 131 

form, George addressed the convention in a vigorous 
speech as soon as it was organized, and, working its 
members up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, he 
closed with a motion that Stark be renominated by 
acclamation. The convention was carried away by 
George's vigorous eloquence, voting his motion with- 
out dissent. The nomination of Stark settled the 
platform. It contained a declaration "' that this war 
should not be waged in any spirit of conquest or sub- 
jugation, or for the purpose of overthrowing the rights 
or established institutions of any of the States, but to 
defend and maintain the supremacy of the constitution 
and the rights of all the States in the Union, and to 
preserve the Union, and that, as soon as these objects 
are accomplished, war should cease.'' 

This plank marked the difference between the two 
parties of ISTew Hampshire in their attitude toward 
the war, a difference which continued pronounced on 
this and other questions throughout the conflict be- 
tween the ^NTorth and the South. 

The call for a third, or " Union Convention," was 
issued immediately, and the convention met February 
6th. It was presided over by Ira Perley, of Concord, 
one of N^ew Hampshire's most distinguished jurists. 
He was a member of the State supreme court for 
fourteen years and chief justice at the time of his 
retirement. Of positive convictions, he reached con- 
clusions uninfluenced by popular feeling. Although 
an earnest Republican, he frequently acted inde- 
pendently of his party, and in this instance he was 



132 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

undoubtedly actuated by a high sense of public 
duty. 

The leading spirits of the " Union Convention " 
were Edward D. Rand, of Lisbon, James W. Johnson, 
of Enfield, William C. Clarke and Samuel G. Clarke, 
of Manchester, George W. Stevens, of Laconia, and 
Samuel M. Wheeler, of Dover. Paul J. Wheeler, of 
Newport, was nominated for governor. He had been 
a lifelong Democrat, and, as a candidate for governor, 
had received considerable support in the late Republi- 
can convention. The " Union " party endorsed the 
policy of President Lincoln, and pledged him its sup- 
port, but repeated almost word for word the plank in 
the Democratic platfonn to which reference has been 
made. 

The campaign was earnestly conducted by both the 
Republicans and Democrats. For a time the nom- 
ination of Wheeler seemed a menace to Republican 
success, but toward the close of the canvass it was ap- 
parent that but few Republicans would be attracted 
to his support. The total vote fell off nearly four thou- 
sand, but the Republican party was victorious, as 
shown by the following returns : scattering, 45 ; Paul 
J. Wheeler, 1,709; George Stark, 28,566; N"athaniel 
S. Berry, 32,150. 

At the regular session of the thirty-seventh Con- 
gress, which convened on the first Monday of Decem- 
ber, 1861, the question of the abolition of slavery in 
the District of Columbia came to the front. Early 
in December, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, intro- 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 133 

duced a bill in the Senate providing for the immediate 
emancipation of the slaves in the District, and for the 
compensation of their owners. This bill, after debate 
and amendment, passed the Senate April 3, 1862, by 
a vote of 29 to 14, and was taken up in the House the 
next week. It gave rise to a brief but spirited debate, 
in which Rollins participated. The bill passed the 
House by a vote of 92 to 38, and received the approval 
of the President April 16, 1862. 

Rollins's hostility to slavery was pronounced. He 
was in the vanguard of Republicans who favored its 
extinction. He had not been identified, however, with 
the early apostles of freedom, like Garrison and 
Parker, who believed in the destruction of slavery, 
regardless of the perpetuity of the Union, but he looked 
upon the institution as a blot upon the country, to be 
wiped out at the first favorable opportunity. In his 
campaigTi as the Republican nominee for Congress, 
he had been charged by the Democratic press of New 
Hampshire with being an abolitionist, a charge he 
never denied, and he was ready to strike a blow at 
slavery whenever it could be done with safety to the 
Union. That he foresaw the destruction of slavery 
in the United States, as the final result of the war, can 
be seen in his speech on the bill emancipating the 
slaves in the District of Columbia. He was prepared 
to use all the war powers of the government to eradi- 
cate this institution. In this, his first speech in Con- 
gress, he said: 

" The abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 



134 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

liimbia is to tlie few slaves therein a deed of justice 
and mercy that this people cannot omit to perform at 
this golden opportunity. Slavery has forfeited all 
claims to any implied obligation for immunity at the 
capital of a nation by its mad attempt to throw do"svn 
the pillars of the government under which it claims 
protection. . . . 

" With what ill gTace does it come from the apolo- 
gists of slavery to charge that the Republican party is 
waging Avar for the emancipation of the slaves ! One 
would think that the free States had started a crusade 
and marched their hosts into the heart of the South 
while yet the whole population thereof were quietly 
pursuing the accustomed tenor of their lives, loyal in 
their hearts and cheerfully submitting to the proper re- 
straints of constitutional law and performing all the 
obligations of good citizens. ... In the whole history 
of this contest, in the records of the doings of the Cabi- 
net or the proceedings of Congress, nowhere can be 
found a single declaration to give color to the charge 
that this is a war for the destruction of slavery. On 
the contrary, we have been altogether too tender of the 
institution, and our leniency has been our fault. 

" It is because the South knows that, by all the laws 
of war, we should be justified in seeking the heart of 
the foe and annihilating forever the inspiring cause 
of all our present woes, that their frighted consciences 
start at the thought of what they know the whole world 
would applaud. 

" For more than sixty years, the free people of the 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 135 

^^orth, as they came to visit tlie capital of the Union 
have been compelled to come in contact with this re^ 
voltmg and offensive system, and, for fifty years, to 
witness the cruel barbaritites incident to the slave 
trade. The laboring- men of the free States have been 
obliged for half a century to submit to the humiliating 
degradation thus heaped upon them. . . . Why should 
slavery be allowed longer to remain in the District? 
It IS not surprising that now, when this same institu- 
tion, m addition to all the other evils it has caused 
seeks to destroy the Union and the government, the 
toiling millions of the I^orth are determined at least 
to see It banished from the capital. Thus much they 
demand, and they will take nothing less. There is to 
be no further delay, no putting off until next year 
Now IS the time and the only time acceptable to the 
people. The abolition of slavery in this District is 
deinanded as some slight indemnity for the past and 
as full security for the future. The capital should 
be inhabited by a loyal people, ready to defend it 
m rebellion, and not by a people any considerable 
portion of whom are ready to take arms to destrov it. 
blavery makes a people disloyal, and, therefore, ' has 
no claims to consideration or favor from loyal hearts 
anywhere. Our own self-defence requires that it 
shoukl be abolished wherever Congi^ess has the power 
Our honor demands the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia. It is world-wide disgTace to 
the nation that its capital bears the curse of involun- 
tary servitude. It is our reproach in everv land upon 



136 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the face of the earth. It is an anomaly in the history 
of the world, a fraud without parallel. It is a huge 
blot upon our otherwise fair escutcheon, which should 
be removed with the least possible delay. We have 
borne with the innumerable evils necessarily incident 
to the presence here of the peculiar institution full too 
long already, and it must come to an end. Who will 
mourn its departure ? Who will be sad when it is 
gone ? No true lover of his country, no one who places 
a higher estimate upon the honor and welfare of his 
country than upon the perpetuity of slavery." 

Five weeks later, Rollins made another speech in the 
House. This speech was in support of the bill confis- 
cating the property of those in arms against the gov- 
ernment. There was no doubt in his mind that rebellion 
is treason against the government, and he was- for met- 
ing out to the enemies of the Republic all the penalties 
of treason. He scorned the argimient that seeks to find 
protection in the constitution for the property of those 
who are attempting to destroy the Union. " It is time," 
he says, " that the Republic receive no loss, or, if too 
late for that, to drain dry the sources upon which this 
treason feeds. I am amazed at what I hear that seems 
to hold so sacred all the rights that by every act of 
rebellion have been forfeited, and should be held as lost 
by every law of reason and every rule of self-defence. 
No man has the hardihood to deny that we will meet 
and overcome the rebels in battle. The utmost energies 
of the nation should be exerted to crush out this trea- 
son, even to draining the country to the last man and 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 137 

the last dollar of its treasure. But it is said our en- 
emies' resources must remain untouched by us, to con- 
tinue to nourish and keep alive the baleful body of 
this treason. ... If there is anything that will tend 
to make the constitution a less sacred thing in the 
minds of the people, it is the use that is made of it 
to shield those who are in open rebellion against it." 
Referring to the scrupulousness shown for the " con- 
stitutional rights of slave-owners," he exclaims, " Their 
constitutional rights! They scorned them all. They 
have trampled the constitution beneath the bloody hoofs 
of war, and we still seek to pack their breastworks with 
the rent parchment, so that our shot shall not reach 
the cause and support of this rebellion. . . . The re- 
volted States are but the enemies of the government. 
The people regard them in no other light, and they 
look to us to crush them. They will stand by those 
who seek to accomplish this most effectually. If we tell 
them we are so hampered by the constitution that, al- 
though we may overcome their enemies in the field, 
we must leave their implacable foe possessed of all his 
resources, with the poison still treasured in his fang, 
we teach them to disrespect that instniment, the most 
sacred of all legacies. It is so sacred that whatever 
threatens it must be destroyed. If it be men, they 
must pay the forfeit with their lives. If it be institu- 
tions, they must be overthrown. . . . There is no act 
in the whole category of crimes that have culminated 
in this rebellion that slavery did not inspire. It has 
sought to build a government of its own. If its sue- 



138 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

cess were among the things possible, slavery and sla- 
very alone would be the preamble and the close of its 
constitution. Its laws would be framed to extend and 
perjDetuate slavery. Its tariffs would be imposed to 
protect it, and its people taxed to feed it. This is the 
enemy we have to meet and conquer. This country has 
no other that it need fear, and, while it lives, it will 
be a perpetual terror." 

The Independent Democrat published both of Rol- 
lins's sjDeeches in full, and called attention to them 
editorially. Of the first, it said : 

" The recent speech of Hon. Edward H. Kollins in 
the House of Representatives upon the bill abolishing 
slavery in the District of Columbia will be found 
printed upon our first page this week. We are con- 
fident that our readers will peruse it vnih. pleasure. 
It is an excellent speech, one of the very best which 
has been delivered in Congress in the present session. 
It is the first effort of Mr. Rollins in Congressional 
speaking, and we are happy to chronicle it a brilliant 
success. He could have chosen no better theme for 
his debut. He has shown much tact in the selection 
of his points of view of the subject, and great skill and 
cogency of argument in discussing them. The speech 
admirably reflects the loyal sentiment of the Granite 
State, and is fully up in its tone and spirit with the 
demands of the hour for bold thought and decisive 
action." 

Of his speech on the Confiscation Bill, the Inde- 
pendent Democrat said : " It is characterized by sound 



IN THE THIRTY - SE^T:NTH CONGRESS 139 

argument, clothed in appropriate and oftentimes elo- 
quent expression. Its tone, too, is all right. It is the 
tone of the popular heart of 'New Hampshire." 

The labor devolving upon Rollins during this and 
the subsequent Congress was prodigious. In commit- 
tee and the routine work of the House, he was kept 
busy. Few members are capable or willing to take 
upon themselves the arduous details of legislation 
which afford little or no public credit to the individ- 
ual. Rollins's aptitude for this class of work was soon 
recognized by his associates, and, being willing to un- 
dertake it, he had it pressed upon him in abundance. 
In addition, he had to attend to the calls of constitu- 
ents in two Congressional districts, as his colleague, 
Gilman Marston, was doing service as an army officer 
in the field. Hundreds of inquiries came from the 
families and relatives of Xew Hampshire soldiers at 
the front, all of which Rollins answered. These were 
often supplemented by requests for passes to go within 
the Union lines to care for some father, son, or brother, 
wounded in battle or stricken with disease, and lan- 
guishing in a hospital. Then there were countless ap- 
plications for furloughs, sick leaves, transfers, and pro- 
motions from officers and soldiers in the service. The 
appeals from home were frequently most pathetic, and 
sometimes impossible to gi-ant. Yet, no matter how 
insurmountable the obstacles seemed to be, Rollins 
never shrank from undertaking to aid a constituent. 
His success in bringing about results soon gave him 
a reputation that overshadowed that of any of the 



140 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Senators or Representatives from Xew Hampshire, and 
constantly added to his daily toil. 

With Lincoln and Stanton, Rollins stood on intimate 
terms. Both appreciated him for his industry, loyalty, 
and executive capacity, and seldom did he ask a favor 
of either that was not granted. Most Senators and 
members of Congress stood in awe of Stanton. Rollins 
appears never to have feared him. Stanton appreci- 
ated a man who did things, and, if he refused less re- 
quests of Rollins than of others, it was because he 
looked upon Rollins as fitted for the sphere in which 
he was acting. 

The experience of Supply W. Edwards, of Temple, 
ISTew Hampshire, in the fall of 1862 was only one of 
many who, having relatives or friends in the army, 
applied to Rollins for his influence to secure for them 
some alleviation of their unfortunate conditions. Ed- 
wards, years afterward, in 1876, was elected to the 
legislature of ISTew Hampshire. Rollins was then a 
candidate for the United States Senate. When Ed- 
wards reached Concord, he was imjjortuned by a num- 
ber of Representatives who endeavored to persuade him 
to support some other candidate for Senator. After 
hearing them all through, Edwards gave his reasons for 
supporting Rollins in these words : 

" Gentlemen, listen to my story and my reasons for 
supporting Edward H. Rollins, and, if there is a man 
here who would not support him in like circumstances, 
the people who have sent him to the legislature have 
made a mistake. In the fall of 1862, I went to Wash- 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 141 

ington to try and save the life of my sick boy, who had 
enlisted in Company G, Thirteenth Kew Hampshire 
Volunteers, and was reported sick in the hospital at 
Falmouth, Virginia. I had some friends in Washing- 
ton, and I told them what brought me there. They 
informed me it would be difficult for me to get a pass 
to go down the river, but said that if I would call on 
Senator Daniel Clark he would probably fix it for me. 
I had letters to both Senators Clark and Cragin. When 
I told my story to Senator Clark, he shook his head, 
and said, ' It's a hard thing to do, but I will try. Call 
on me to-morrow.' The next day the Senator told me 
an order had been issued not to allow any citizen to go 
down the Lower Potomac, and that he could not get 
me a pass. I then applied to Senator Cragin. He 
also made an effort and failed. I felt almost heart- 
broken, as my boy had written me that if he could only 
see his father he was sure he could get well. My money 
was most gone, and I was in despair. Some of my 
friends suggested that I go and see Ed Rollins. With- 
out any hope of success, I called upon him. I went to 
the Capitol building and was shown to a room where 
some committee was in session. A messenger notified 
Mr. Rollins that a man from ISTew Hampshire desired 
to see him. Mr. Rollins, whom I had never met, came 
out into the corridor in his shirt sleeves, an unlighted 
cigar in his mouth. His salutation was, ' Well, my 
good man from !N^ew Hampshire, what is your name 
and what can I do for you ? ' I was somewhat con- 
fused, and, before I could speak, tears were streaming 



142 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

down my cheeks. I finally got my voice, and I told liim 
what I was in Washington for and what fortune I had 
had with the two Senators from New Hampshire. Be- 
fore I could say anything more, Rollins said, ' Wait a 
moment.' He hurried into the room, got his coat and 
came out, putting on the coat as he travelled along. 
' Come with me,' he said. I could hardly keep up with 
him down the long steps of the Capitol to the avenue. 
He called a carriage, shouted to the driver, ' White 
House,' and told me to get in. When we reached the 
White House, he left me at the door of the President's 
room, and said, ' Wait here until I return.' He was 
gone twenty minutes to half an hour. When he re- 
turned, he caught me by the arm, rushed out to the 
carriage, and said to the driver, ' To the War Depart- 
ment.' Arriving there, we went to the door of the Sec- 
retary of War, where he bade me wait. Here he was 
gone another twenty minutes, but, when he came out, 
he handed me a pass from Abraham Lincoln, counter- 
signed by Stanton, permitting me to go down to the 
army and see my sick son. Gentlemen, do you think 
there is anything you can say that would lead me to 
support any other man than Edward H. Rollins ? " 

The Washington correspondent of the New Hamp- 
shire Statesman, in a letter to that newspaper about 
this, time, thus speaks of Rollins's service in the na- 
tional House of Representatives: 

" Without in any manner detracting from the faith- 
ful labors of other members, I cannot forbear mention- 
ing the member of the House from Concord as a true 



IN THE THIRTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 143 

specimen of a working Congressman. Since Colonel 
Marston has served in the array, the people of the first 
district have put a vast deal of labor upon Mr. Rollins. 
No man could have proved more ready to serve the 
interests of the people of this district than has the 
member from the second district, and his attention to 
the wants of Colonel Marston's constituency in addi- 
tion to those of his own has been most marked and 
unremitting. Mr. Rollins is a good business man and, 
although it may be at the risk of imposing greater 
labors upon an already too hard worked member, yet 
I cannot forbear saying that no man in the New 
Hampshire delegation in Congress seems to have alike 
the equal ability and inclination to follow up the in- 
terests of his constituents through the mazes of circum- 
locution which abound in Washington." 



CHAPTEK VIII. 

KE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 

The adjournment of Congress brought no respite 
to Rollins. The calls of his constituents were constant 
whether he was in Washington or at home. Then he 
had his part in stimulating enlistments to fill the calls 
made by the President for additional troops. A great 
war meeting was held at Concord in the summer of 
1862, which he addressed with Governor Berry and 
others. The approaching campaign of 1863 also 
loomed large upon the political horizon. A new can- 
didate for governor was to be selected by the Republi- 
cans, and certain indications pointed to a nomination 
not likely to add strength to the ticket. It was the 
Congressional year, and Rollins himself must go before 
the people to secure approval of his stewardship. 

The war as yet had brought no decisive success to 
the Union arms, while the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion of the President was to issue in the new year. 
It was by no means certain that the voters of New 
Hampshire would approve of this forward movement 
of the Republican party. There were a number of 
Republicans who doubted its wisdom, while there were 

144 



RE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 145 

others who thought the step had been too long delayed. 
As in other States, the Republican party of 'New 
Hampshire was weakened by the army enlistments, 
for, besides Republicans who were absent at the front, 
there were many Democrats from the State in the 
army who had no sympathy with slavery. These 
voters could not be brought home, and there was as 
yet no provision for counting the votes of soldiers in 
the field. 

The Democratic press of ^^Tew Hampshire, thor- 
oughly hostile to emancipation, charged that the Re- 
publican administration was violating its pledges made 
early in the war. " It was to be a war," they said, 
" for the preservation of the Union and not for the 
destruction of State institutions like slavery." This 
attitude of the Democracy, which later was so disas- 
trous to that party, did not at first impair its solidar- 
ity. When the loyalty of that party was questioned, 
its leaders resented it. While antagonizing the ad- 
ministration of Lincoln, they still asserted their op- 
position to secession and their attachment to the Union. 
They insisted upon a distinction being drawn between 
opposition to the war and opposition to the civil and 
political measures of the administration. This dis- 
tinction for a time held loyal Democrats to the support 
of the party ticket. It was only when in platform 
and in speech the Democratic leaders declared the war 
a failure, and demanded peace at any price, that distin- 
tegration of their ranks began. At the opening of the 
New Hampshire campaign of 1863, it was not ap- 



146 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

parent that a single Democratic voter could be won to 
the support of the Republican ticket by the Rejjubli- 
can party's declaration in favor of the emancipation 
of the slaves. The prospect of RejDublican success in 
the State was, therefore, far from propitious, and, as 
events proved, the election was to be won only by the 
hardest kind of work. The situation in the fall of 
1862 was one of grave concern to Rollins and other 
Republican leaders of the State. 

The Democrats were first in the field in New 
Hampshire with a State convention. It was held ISTo- 
vember 20, 1862. Ira A. Eastman, of Concord, was 
nominated for governor. He had served ten years on 
the bench of the supreme court of the State, and was 
highly esteemed by the people of jN^ew Hampshire. 
Previous to his appointment to the bench he had been 
Speaker of the House and a member of Congress. 
His nomination was the strongest the Democratic party 
could have made at this time. 

Among the resolutions adopted was the following: 

" Resolved, That we unqualifiedly condemn the late 
proclamation of the President relative to emancipation 
as unwarranted by the constitution, in violation of the 
solemnly plighted faith of the administration at the 
commencement of the war and, if persisted in, fatal 
to all hopes of a restored Union." 

Daniel Marcy was renominated for Congress in the 
first district, and William Burns, of Lancaster, in the 
third district. In the second district, John H. George, 
of Concord, who had withdrawn after nomination in 



RE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 147 

the previous campaign, was again nominated as a can- 
didate to meet Rollins. The i^latform adopted in this 
convention was in consonance with that of the State 
convention, only more pronounced. It declared that 
the Democratic party had no sympathy with radical 
abolition at the North, and denounced the recent 
Emancipation Proclamation of the President to be 
" not only unconstitutional, hut fraught with more evil 
than good, not only to the government, but also to the 
class of individuals upon whom it was designed to 
operate." 

The platform adopted at the convention which nom- 
inated Daniel Marcy declared it to be its " solemn con- 
viction that this bloody and fratricidal strife ought, as 
soon as practicable and prudent, to be arrested by an 
armistice and steps taken by means of a commission 
or a convention of the States to restore and save our 
glorious Union in the spirit of justice, compromise, 
and concession, in which it was framed and trans- 
mitted to us by our patriotic fathers." 

George, in his letter of response, said : " I can only 
regard the Emancipation Proclamation as disgraceful 
in its futility, disastrous in its policy, palpable in its 
violation of the constitution, and atrocious in its pur- 
pose." 

The Republican State convention met January 1, 
18G3. Ichabod Goodwin, of Portsmouth, presided. 
The prominent candidates were Onslow Stearns, of 
Concord ; Erederick Smyth, of Manchester ; Walter 
llarriman, of Warner ; and Joseph A. Gilmore, of 



148 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Concord, the latter being the leading candidate. Gil- 
more was the superintendent of the Concord Railroad. 
He was a man of forceful character, actively inter- 
ested in politics, and ambitious of political j)referment. 
His connection with the railroad aroused hostility to 
his candidacy for governor, first at the convention and 
later at the polls. The support of Harriman came 
from Republicans who thought it would be both politic 
and wise to nominate a war Democrat and a soldier, 
and who were also apprehensive of Gilmore's strength 
as a candidate. Rollins appears to have been one of 
those who doubted the advisability of Gilmore's nom- 
ination at this time. An informal ballot being taken, 
it was found that Gilmore lacked only eight votes of 
a majority of the convention. After this vote was de- 
clared, a letter from Harriman was read, in which 
he said that he must not be considered as a candidate. 
In spite of this letter, he received a large vote on the 
formal ballot which followed, and which resulted in the 
nomination of Gilmore by thirty-eight majority. 

The platform was reported by Amos Tuck, of Ex- 
eter. This platform congratulated the President that 
his patriotism, honesty, and singleness of purpose had 
never been questioned and that his " proclamation 
(emancipation) this day to be issued enrolls his 
name with imperishable renown upon the records of 
time." 

In the Republican conventions of the first and third 
Congressional districts, there were spirited contests. 
In both conventions there were three candidates. In 



RE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 149 

the first district, John D. Lyman, of Farmington, 
Gilman Marston, of Exeter, and Joel Eastman, of Con- 
way, were the candidates. On the fourth ballot, East- 
man was nominated. 

The nomination of the latter was a gTcat disap- 
pointment to Marston and his friends, who confidently 
expected his second renomination. Eastman was of 
Whig antecedents, prominent in that party's councils 
as early as 1838, when he was its candidate for Con- 
gress. He was United States district attorney for 
ISTew Hampshire under the elder Harrison, and he 
had considerable supj)ort as a candidate for United 
States Senator in the legislature of 1854. Uniting 
with the Republican party at the time of its formation, 
he became one of its influential leaders in his section 
of the State. 

In the third district, the candidates were Thomas 
M. Edwards, of Keene, James W. Patterson, of Han- 
over, and Jacob Benton, of Lancaster. Patterson and 
Benton tied on the fourth ballot, and, on the fifth, 
Patterson was nominated. 

In the second district, Rollins was nominated by 
acclamation. He was endorsed by the convention as 
follows : 

" Resolved, That Edward H. Rollins has by his in- 
dustry, activity, and faithful discharge of his public 
duties proved himself a talented and useful legislator 
and an eminently practical and worthy representative, 
and we commend him for reelection to the voters of 
the district as a public servant true in every respect 



150 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

to the vital interests of his district, his State, and the 
country." 

As Rollins was not present at the convention, he was 
notified of his nomination h\ letter. In this letter, the 
committee say: 

"' The cordial manner Avith which yonr name was 
presented hy the convention to the electors of the dis- 
trict we regard as a just and fitting tribute to a faith- 
ful public servant. During the short time you have 
been in Congress, you have been called upon to act 
upon some of the most solemn and momentous ques- 
tions that were ever submitted to a legislator, and the 
skill and fidelity that you have manifested in guard- 
ing the numerous interests that have been committed 
to your keeping cannot fail to meet the entire approval 
of a large majority of your constituents. 'We have 
been gi-atified to notice the faithful and steady sup- 
port you have given to the President while he has been 
laboring to put down treason and rebellion in the coun- 
try, presem'e the constitution, and restore the union 
of the United States. We confidently believe that, 
should you again be returned to the national legisla- 
ture, you will continue constantly to oppose any sur- 
render of those great and immutable principles of lib- 
erty and equality that constitute the foundations of a 
Repul)lican government." 

To this Rollins replied, thanking the delegates for 
their expressions of confidence, and outlining the issue 
of the campaign. He said : " The continuance of this 
great struggle for the maintenance of a free govern- 



RE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 151 

ment and for the preservation of the constitiition and 
the Union renders it necessary that all questions of 
minor consideration should be held in abeyance and 
that the patriotic people of the loyal States should 
stand by and support the constituted authorities in all 
their earnest efforts to put down the rebellion, on the 
battle-field, before the people, at the ballot-box, or wher- 
ever they may be called upon to act or speak. . . . 
Propositions for an armistice or a temporary peace 
that would allow the rebels to recuperate their wasted 
energies for a more desperate struggle, and declarations 
that ' the conflict has raged more than a year and a 
half with no other result than a frightful sacrifice of 
blood and treasure,' whether made in Congress or polit- 
ical conventions in ISTew Hampshire, all point unmis- 
takably to a disgi'aceful surrender of our rights and 
liberties, a final dissolution of the Union, and. an ig- 
nominious peace dictated to us by Jefferson Davis and 
his coworkers in treason. Most earnestly do I desire 
to behold again permanent peace restored to our bleed- 
ing country, and to welcome back thousands of noble 
men and war-worn veterans, who have gone forth to 
do battle for the right, to the ordinary pursuits of life, 
to a generous people, and to happy homes, but I want 
a peace which shall be honorable and consistent with 
past history, a peace which shall be an earnest of our 
future triumphs, and upon such terms as shall cause 
the stars and stripes to be respected throughout the 
Union." 

The Statesman spoke of Eollins's renomination as 



152 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

follows: '' The first tenn of Mr. Rollins is now near 
its close, and it may without qualification be said that 
New Hampshire never had a representative in Con- 
gress more attentive to his legislative duties, or more 
unwearj in his efforts to promote her welfare in the 
calamitous period upon which we have fallen." 

The hidependent Democrat said: '"In the second 
district, Edward H. Rollins is a candidate for reelec- 
tion. He was nominated by acclamation. This token 
of confidence and respect he has fully and nobly earned 
by his career in Congress. A more active and efficient 
representative, one more untiringly devoted to the in- 
terest of his constituents than Mr. Rollins, l^ew 
Hampshire has never sent to the capital of the nation. 
Both a worker and a speaker, he has already achieved 
a national fame. His earnest support of the govern- 
ment in its present deadly encounter with rebellion 
is the outgi'owth of true patriotism, a patriotism that 
embraces our whole country as the God-given heritage 
of freedom. He will be, as he ought to be, trium- 
phantly elected." 

It was apparent from the beginning that the contest 
in New Hampshire would be close, and that, whichever 
party won, it would Avin by a narrow margin. The 
campaign was one of the hardest fought in the history 
of the State. The previous fall elections had resulted 
in great gains of Democratic Congressmen. Upon the 
outcome of the spring elections in New Hampshire 
and Connecticut might depend the organization of the 
next national House of Representatives. Gilmore, the 



RE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 153 

Republican nominee for governor, did not command 
the united support of the party and the failure of the 
convention to nominate a soldier disappointed many 
Republicans. At one time in the campaign there 
was every indication of the election by the people of 
Eastman, the Democratic candidate. The defeat of all 
the Republican candidates in Congress also seemed 
probable. 

Nehemiah G. Ordway, of Warner, was elected chair- 
man of the Republican State committee. Associated 
with him in the conduct of the campaign was William 
E. Chandler. It was a trying campaign from start 
to finish, taxing all the energies and resources of both 
the chairman and his assistants. Charles H. Roberts, 
for many years a member and officer of the Republican 
State committee, says of this campaign: 

" It was the most strenuous in my experience. The 
committee had the greatest difficulty in procuring 
speakers, and was equally embarrassed by lack of funds 
to conduct the canvass. Everything seemed to com- 
bine for our defeat. Our candidate for governor was 
unpopular, while the Democratic candidate stood high 
in the estimation of the people. The Republican 
party was not united on the slavery question, and it 
suffered by reason of the absence of voters who had 
enlisted in the army, a majority of whom would have 
voted the Republican ticket if they had had the op- 
portunity, whatever their prevous political predilec- 
tions. At no time in the campaign could the committee 
figure out success. Ordway, as chairman, did excellent 



154 



LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 



service, while Rollins earnestly cooperated from Wash- 
ington, but a large share of credit for our victory was 
due to Chandler," 

When it became apparent that Gilmore was likely 
to be defeated at the polls, a third party organization 
was inspired by the Republican leaders. A union con- 
vention, so-called, was held in Manchester, February 
17, 1863. William C. Clarke, of Manchester, pre- 
sided. Walter Harriman, then a colonel of one of the 
ISTew Hampshire regiments, was nominated for gov- 
ernor. Harriman at the time was what was kno"wn as 
a " War Democrat." The resolutions adopted were 
vigorous and patriotic, but indicated no party spirit. 
The Democratic press denounced the convention as 
a Republican subterfuge, and were especially bitter 
in their reflections upon Harriman for penuitting the 
use of his name as a candidate. 

The Patriot of January 28, 1863, said: " The Dem- 
ocratic position is fully and clearly defined in few 
words. The party is for the maintenance of the con- 
stitution as it is and the restoration of the Union as it 
was." 

The Democrats were very confident of success, being 
inspired by the victories of their party in the previous 
fall elections. Assisting them as speakers in the cam- 
paign were William A. Richardson, United States Sen- 
ator from Illinois, Charles Levi Woodbury, A. O. 
Brewster, E. D. Kelley, T. H. Sweetser, Richard S. 
SpofFord, and W. D. ISTorthend, of Massachusetts. 

Aiding the Republicans were William D. Kelley, of 



RE-ELECTION TO CONGRESS 155 

Pennsylvania, Lot M. Morrill, Israel Washburn, and 
Charles J. Gilman, of Maine, William A. Howard, of 
Michigan, John A. Bingham, of Ohio, A. J. Hamilton, 
of Texas, Governor John A. Andrew, E. W. Hincks, 
and Charles W. Slack, of Massachusetts, and B. F. 
Flanders, of Louisiana. 

The last act of the thirty-seventh Congress, which 
expired March 3, 1863, a few days before the ISTew 
Hampshire election, was the Conscription Act author- 
izing the draft to supply troops for the Union armies. 
This act the Democrats had opposed in Congi'ess, and 
their 'New Hampshire brethren now took up the re- 
frain of their Congressional leaders, denouncing the 
draft as unconstitutional. They argued that a war 
which could not be sustained by the patriotism of the 
people ought to cease. The Emancipation Proclama- 
tion had made the draft necessary. If the administra- 
tion at Washington had held to its original declara- 
tion to wage war for the preserva^on of the Union, 
there would be no trouble about volunteers. Men, how- 
ever, would not enlist to fight for the emancipation of 
the negro. The Republican party had repeatedly ig- 
nored the constitution in the conduct of the war. Now 
all its sacred guarantees were violated. The war had 
become one of conquest and subjugation. 

No Union victory in the field occurred to inspire 
the Republicans of ISTew Hampshire. The draft was 
recognized by them as a necessity, but it was not popu- 
lar with the people. Between the ages of eighteen and 
forty-five no able-bodied man was exempt from its pro- 



156 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

visions. The bread-winners might now be drawn from 
any home for service in the army. It was the most 
gloomy period of the war. None could foresee the 
end. There had been almost two years of strife, 
and yet the Southern confederacy seemed invincible. 
Coming at a time when the Republican State conuiiittee 
of New Hampshire almost despaired of success, the 
Conscription Act seemed to ensure defeat. Yet some- 
how the rank and file of the party were inspired to 
greater determination the more the issue seemed doubt- 
ful. The State committee redoubled its efforts, and 
the closing week of the campaign saw the Republicans 
wrought to the highest tension. Republican appeals 
were to the patriotism of the people, and the people did 
not fail them, although the election was close, and, for 
some time after the returns began to come in, the 
result was in doubt. Democratic bulletins the night 
of election announced the defeat of Gilmore and the 
election to Congress of Marcy and George over East- 
man and Rollins. 

The total vote was increased more than four thou- 
sand over the vote of the previous year, and Eastman, 
the Democratic candidate for governor, came within 
less than five hundred votes of an election by the 
people. The choice for governor was thrown into the 
legislature, which the Republicans carried by a greatly 
reduced majority. In the Congi^essional districts, the 
Democrats carried the first, electing Daniel Marcy by 
VO plurality. Rollins was elected in the second dis- 



RE - ELECTION TO CONGRESS 157 

trict by 351 plurality, and Patterson in the third 
district by S7Q plurality. 

The margin of Republican victory in the State was, 
therefore, very slight. There was no election of gov- 
ernor by the people. The Republican majority in the 
legislature was reduced one-half, and the Republicans 
had lost one member of Congress and elected the other 
two by very small pluralities. The tide of Democratic 
victory in the October and November elections of 1862, 
however, was checked by the New Hampshire election, 
and the result in that State was hailed by Republicans 
throughout the country as encouraging. Rollins's part 
in the campaign was considerable, although his duties 
in Washington, the thirty-seventh Congress being upon 
its last session, prevented him from personally par- 
ticipating therein. The chairman of the State commit- 
tee visited him in Washington for conference, while, 
by correspondence, Rollins stimulated the activities of 
leading Republicans in various parts of the State. This 
New Hampshire election had an important influence 
in national affairs. The Emancipation Proclamation 
and the draft had been vital issues in the campaign, 
and Republican victory in the State showed that the 
people would sustain the administration at Washing- 
ton. To the national Republican leaders this victory 
was as welcome as a triumph in the field. 



CHAPTER IX. 

IN THE THIKTY - EIGHTH CONGEESS 

Congress met in regular session in Decenil>er, 
1863, making choice of Schuyler Colfax as Speaker 
of the House. ISTehemiah G. Ordway was elected ser- 
geant-at-arms. The New Hampshire members were 
assigned to committees as follows : Rollins was made 
chairman of the committee on accounts and a member 
of the committee on public expenditures ; Patterson 
had Rollins's place on the committee of the District 
of Columbia, and was made a member of the commit- 
tee on expenditures of the Treasury Department; and 
Marcy was given a position on the committee on Rev- 
olutionary pensions and the committee on expendi- 
tures of the Navy Department. The committee on 
public expenditures appears to have been busy mak- 
ing investigations, the New York custom-house being 
one of the subjects of their inquiry. 

It was during the first session of this Congress that 
Rollins was brought into prominence by an attempt 
made by the Republicans of the House to expel Repre- 
sentative Alexander Long, of the second Ohio dis- 
trict, for alleged treasonable utterances in debate. It 

158 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 159 

was at a time of intense feeling over the war. General 
Grant had been recently appointed to the command 
of the Union armies, and was beginning his advance 
on Richmond. ^STews of a battle was momentarily ex- 
pected. The ISTorth was making strenuous efforts to 
fill its quota of troops. Grant's successes in the West 
had created a confidence that, under his leadership, the 
war would be speedily brought to an end. It was felt 
that the tide had turned in favor of the Union forces, 
and that, with a united front, the rebellion would be 
crushed. Therefore, Long's speech made a deeper im- 
pression than would have been the case if it had been 
delivered at an earlier period of the war. Long dis- 
tinctly avowed that his Democratic associates were in 
no way responsible for what he said, and nearly all of 
them repudiated in the discussion which followed the 
particular sentiments for which it was sought to expel 
him, though opposing his expulsion as a blow at free- 
dom in debate. 

On Friday, April 8, 1864, Long obtained the floor, 
the House having resolved itself into a committee of 
the whole on the state of the Union upon the Presi- 
dent's message, with George S. Boutwell, of Massa- 
chusetts, in the chair. Long's speech was a carefully 
prepared and written address, and, in the main, it was 
an argument against the constitutional right of the 
government to coerce a sovereign State in rebellion. 
This feature attracted no attention, as it had been fre- 
quently advanced from the Democratic side, but he 
followed it with the assertion that, in the conduct of 



160 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the war by the administration, not a single vestige of 
the constitution remained and that " every clause and 
every letter of it had been violated." Despairing of 
a restoration of the Union as it once existed, he said : 
" I now believe there are but two alternatives ; and 
they are either an acknowledgment of the independence 
of the South as an independent nation or their com- 
plete subjugation and extermination as a people; and, 
of these alternatives, I prefer the former." 

Garfield, of Ohio, immediately replied in an impas- 
sioned speech which electrified the House. He char- 
acterized Long as a Benedict Arnold, and a running 
debate between him and Long followed, which lasted 
until the committee rose and the House adjourned. 
Long's speech greatly incensed the Republicans, and 
there was a general feeling that action should be taken 
to condemn such sentiments. 

When the House assembled the next morning (Sat- 
urday) a motion was made to dispense with the read- 
ing of the Journal, which was carried. Then the 
Speaker, calling Rollins to the chair, took the floor and 
offered a resolution for the expulsion of Long on the 
ground that he had violated his oath of office by " giv- 
ing aid, countenance, and encouragement to persons 
engaged in armed hostility to the United States." He 
followed the resolution with a speech sustaining it. 
The debate then became general and continued until 
the following Thursday, to the exclusion of all other 
business. The Republicans lined up in favor of the 
resolution and the Democrats against it. The debate 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 161 

was participated in by the leaders of both sides and 
became both personal and acrimonious. The proceed- 
ings were further complicated by the inflammatory 
utterances of Benjamin G. Harris, a Democratic 
m.ember from Maryland. Obtaining the floor, he pro- 
claimed that he endorsed every word uttered by Long. 
Growing more vehement as he proceeded, he exclaimed : 
" The South asks you to let them live in peace. But, 
no, you said you would bring them into subjugation. 
This is not done yet. God Almighty grant it may 
never be. I hope you will never subjugate the South." 
Harris was immediately called to order by Wash- 
burne, of Illinois, who demanded that his words be 
taken done and read to the House. This was done, 
and the Speaker pro tern, upon the point being made, 
ruled that Harris was out of order and could not pro- 
ceed. Soon after, the pending question of the pro- 
posed expulsion of Long was postponed until Monday, 
and a resolution was also offered expelling Harris. 
ISTo defence of Harris was undertaken by his Demo- 
cratic associates, but they made points of order against 
the resolution for his expulsion. After these were over- 
ruled by the chair, the resolution came to a vote. It 
failed of the constitutional two-thirds, the Democrats 
voting against it. Immediately a resolution censuring 
Harris was introduced and carried, only eighteen 
Democrats voting against it. Then the House ad- 
journed for the day. On Monday, the debate was re- 
newed and continued day and evening without inter- 
ruption except for adjournment until the final vote of 



162 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Thursday. The alignment on the Harris resolution 
showed that no Democratic votes could be secured to 
expel Long. So a substitute resolution was offered as 
follows : 

" Resolved, That Alexander Long, a Representative 
from the second district of Ohio, be and he is hereby 
declared to be an unworthy member of the Llouse of 
Kei^resentatives." 

A point of order was made against the substitute, 
which Avas overruled by the chair and his decision sus- 
tained by the House on appeal. This resolution was 
finally adopted by a, strict party vote. 

During the debate, Rollins, as Speaker pro tern, was 
frequently called to rule on ])oints of order made by 
the minority, Avhicli he did with prompt decision. 
Only once was an appeal taken from his decision and 
that in the case referred to. The galleries were 
crowded during these days, and the House was often 
in a. turmoil. It was a tr>dng ordeal for the presiding 
officer, and, as the records show, Rollins acquitted him- 
self wath credit and justified his selection by the 
Speaker. He had previously presided in committee of 
the whole, and Speaker Colfax had op])ortunities of 
judging of his qualifications for the chair. Ready 
knowledge of the rules and quick decisions were re- 
quired in this partisan debate, and Rollins showed that 
he was not only well acquainted with parliamentary 
practice but was ready in his application of it. 

The Neiu Hampshire Statesman of April 29, 1864, 
made this comment: " J^ew Hampshire Congressmen 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 163 

seem to be in great favor as presiding officers. Mr. 
Kollins presided in the House to universal acceptance 
during the stormy debate in the matter of the expulsion 
of Mr. Long, of Ohio, and, about the same time, Mr. 
Clark was temporary presiding officer in the Senate. 
Since then, Vice-President Hamlin gave notice of in- 
tended absence the remainder of the session, and 
Mr. Clark was chosen President 'pro tern of the Sen- 
ate." 

Just i^rior to this occuiTence, another political cam- 
paign was fought in New Hampshiie. Large national 
interest centred in the State election of March, 1864, 
although no Congressmen were to be chosen. It was 
the first election in the Presidential year. Candidates 
for President were being discussed, especially by the 
Pepublican party. Would N^ew Hampshire Republi- 
cans endorse the candidacy of Abraham Lincoln for 
reelection ? And, if so, would the New Hampshire 
election about to follow presage a national Republican 
triumph ? There were Republican leaders in the coun- 
try who doubted the policy of renominating Lincoln. 
The opposition to his selection as a standard-bearer 
was already expressing itself in the press and in the 
utterances of influential Republicans. Both the ac- 
tion of the Republican convention of New Hampshire 
and the forthcoming election were of especial interest 
to Lincoln himself. If the convention favored his can- 
didacy, and the Republicans carried the State by a 
good majority, the attitude of New England in the 
Presidential contest would be settled. These results 



164 LIFE OF EDWAUD H. ROLLINS 

would have an important bearing upon the action of 
Republican conventions in other doubtful States. 

That Lincoln awaited the result in New Hampshire 
with solicitous interest is well known. No outsider 
knew better than he the strenuous contest waged by 
the Republicans of the Granite State. Nor was he 
lacking in appreciation of the loyalty to his adminis- 
tration of the Republicans of New Hampshire. To 
their requests made to him through Rollins and other 
representatives of the State at the capital, he Avas ever 
a patient and responsive listener. With Rollins, who 
was the creator and representative of the effective Re- 
publican organization of the State, and who in Con- 
gress bent all his energy to the support of the admin- 
istration, he was on terms of intimacy. 

New Hampshire never had greater importance in 
national politics than during Lincoln's administration. 
The Republicans of the State had at no time failed the 
hope of the administration. The last election had been 
won by a narrow margin, but, with the exception of 
the loss of one Congressman, all the fruits of the vic- 
tory were with the Republicans. Seven of the ten del- 
egates from New Hampshire to the Chicago convention 
had voted for Lincoln's first nomination. In the main, 
the Republican leaders in the State approved of the 
acts of his administration, but, as in other States, 
there were some who doubted the policy of his renom- 
ination, or of his endorsement at a State convention 
preceding the one to choose delegates to the national 
convention. Rollins, Chandler, and Ordway, now rec- 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 165 

ognized as " the triumvirate," potential in shaping 
Republican policies in the State, were outspoken for 
the endorsement of Lincoln and in favor of New 
Hampshire leading the way. Both Rollins and Ord- 
way were detained in Washington by their duties 
there, and the leadership of the administration forces 
devolved upon Chandler. 

William E. Chandler was then twenty-eight years 
of age, having served one term as Speaker of the JSTew 
Hampshire House of Representatives, the youngest 
occupant of that position in the history of the State. 
Before he was of age, he was active in politics, doing 
much of the literary work of the State committee prior 
to his appointment as its secretary. From the time of 
his entrance into politics, for a period of forty-five 
years, his influence was felt in all the shifting scenes 
of New Hampshire politics, and, for a greater part of 
this time, he was the most striking personality in the 
State. No man in New Hampshire more thoroughly 
enjoyed the turmoil of political strife. None possessed 
greater courage, and none made more bitter enemies 
or more earnest friends. He was always in the thick 
of the fray, attacking or defending, giving or parrying 
blows. He spared not the feelings of friends in his 
encounters if these friends stood across his path. Yet 
his success was due to his faculty of reconciling to his 
personal interests those wdiom he had angered by his 
caustic criticism. No politician of the State ever had 
so many ups and downs, and none had so many obitu- 
aries written on the passing of his political career. He 



166 LIFE OF EDWAKD H. ROLLINS 

won the highest honors of the State, compelling sup- 
port from many through admiration for his ability. 

The Republican State convention to nominate a can- 
didate for governor met January 6, 1864, and was pre- 
sided over by Mason W. Taj)pan. Governor Gilmore 
was renominated by acclamation. His administration 
had been successful and opposition to his nomination, 
so pronounced the year before, had entirely disap- 
peared. The platform was reported by Aaron TI. 
Cragin. It contained no endorsement of Lincoln for 
renomination. The committee, desiring to be conserv- 
ative, had listened to the advice of those who, w^hile 
admitting the probability of Lincoln's becoming the 
Presidential nominee, did not wish to take premature 
action. Another convention to choose delegates to the 
national convention would be held in a few months, 
and to that convention more properly belonged the ex- 
pression of views as to a Presidential candidate. The 
events of the next few months growing out of the prog- 
ress of the war might present a clearer view of the best 
course to pursue. 

Although the failure of the committee to report a 
plank in the platform endorsing Lincoln's candidacy 
came as a surprise to the convention, the platform 
was adopted without dissent. Immediately after its 
adoption. Chandler, against the advice of older men, 
presented a resolution declaring Abraham Lincoln to 
be the people's choice for President in 1864. Without 
debate, it passed unanimously amid great enthusiasm, 
shoAvina', that while some of the leaders hesitated, the 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 167 

rank and file of the Republican party in Xew Hamp- 
shire were ready and anxious to express their choice. 

The Republican jilatforiu endorsed the administra- 
tion of Lincoln, opposed any proposition of peace so 
long as there was found a rebel in arms against the 
government, and expressed confidence in the financial 
ability of Secretary Salmon P. Chase. 

The Democratic State convention followed two days 
after the Republican convention. It was presided over 
by William H. Duncan, of Hanover. Ira A. Eastman 
having sigiiified to the party that he did not desire a 
second nomination, a ballot was taken for a candidate 
for governor. Edward W, Harrington, of Manchester, 
received 518 votes of the 535 cast, and his nomination 
was made unanimous. The platform denounced the 
financial policy of the Republican administration, de- 
clared its plan of emancipation of the negro to be " un- 
wise, impolitic, cruel, and unworthy the support of a 
civilized and Christian people," and maintained that 
the war should be conducted solely for the restoration 
of the Union. 

The campaign lacked none of the intensity of previ- 
ous campaigns. It was fought wholly on the war 
issues. Both parties called to their aid speakers from 
other States. For the Democrats, there came William 
W. Eaton, afterward United States Senator, and 
James Gallagher, of Connecticut, A. Oakey Hall and 
John M. Harrington, of ISTew York, and William D. 
IvTorthend, of Massachusetts. 

Assisting the Republicans were Gen. E. W. Gantt, 



168 LIFE OF EDAYARD H. ROLLINS 

of Arkansas, who had served in the Confederate army 
and recently renounced his allegiance to that cause, 
Frederick Montgomery, of Virginia, Paul Dillingham, 
of Vermont, Richard Busteed, A. H. Chase, Rufus F. 
Andrews, of jSTew York, Mark H. Dunnell and Lewis 
Barker, of Maine, E. W. Hincks, of Massachusetts, and 
William C. Doane, of Washington, D. C. 

How the Republicans regarded the campaign may 
be judged by the following extract from an address to 
the voters of Xew Hampshire issued by the chairniaa 
of the Republican State committee : 

" Union Citizens of New Hampshire : — The elec- 
tion of this year possesses more national importance 
than that of any previous year. A triumph of the so- 
called Democracy would be hailed with rejoicing by 
Jefferson Davis and every other rebel leader ; it would 
afford aid and comfort to traitors in arms ; and by its 
effect upon the Presidential cauipaign would do more 
to prolong the war than a rebel victory in the field. 

" A victory of the Unionists of the State would 
rejoice the hearts of the friends of the government — 
of union and liberty everywhere, and would discour- 
age and dishearten the leaders of the rebellion, because 
it would be a certain indication of the choice of a 
Union Republican President at the ensuing election. 

" The chief hope of the rebels is now, as heretofore, 
in a division of sentiment in the iN^orth. Proclaim to 
them that they cannot by prolonging the war gain the 
privilege of negotiating with men in power at the 
l^ortli who have been during the Avhole struggle sym- 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 169 

patliizers with the rehellion, and every reason for pro- 
longing a hopeless struggle is at an end ; the advance 
of our armies will result in the submission of the 
people of the seceded States to the power of the na- 
tional government, and substantial peace may be ob- 
tained within the present year." 

The vote was larger by nearly two thousand than the 
previous year and the result a great Republican vic- 
tory. The Republican majority for governor approxi- 
mated six thousand. Such a majority had not been 
equalled in New Hampshire since the Presidential 
election of 1860. It was a surprise to both Republi- 
cans and Democrats. The Patriot attributed it to 
Republican soldiers from New Hampshire home on 
furlough. The official vote was : Scattering, 79 ; Ed- 
ward W. Harrington, 31,340 ; Joseph A. Gilmore, 
37,006. 

Following closely after the March election came the 
Republican convention to elect delegates to the Repub- 
lican national convention, to be held at Baltimore. 
There was no question now as to the candidate for 
President whom the New Hampshire delegates would 
support. The interest in the convention was in the 
personnel of the delegates, and there was a large num- 
ber of candidates. William E. Chandler, as chairman 
of the State committee, called the convention to order, 
and William Haile, of Hinsdale, presided. A ballot 
was taken for four delegates at large, with the result 
that Onslow Stearns, of Concord, John B. Clarke, of 
Manchester, William Haile, of Hinsdale, and Thomas 



170 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

E. Sawyer, of Dover, were elected. As district del- 
egates Benjamin J. Cole, of Gilford, and Joseph B. 
Adams, of Portsmouth, were chosen from the first dis- 
trict ; Edward Spalding, of Nashua, and David Cross, 
of Manchester, from the second ; and Shepard L. 
Bowers, of Newport, and Enoch L. Colbj, of Lan- 
caster, from the third. 

John B. Clarke, who was one of the delegates at 
large, was the proprietor of the Manchester Mirror, 
a newspaper with both a daily and a weekly edition, 
the latter of large circulation. Of genial temperament 
and original ideas, he had already made his impress 
upon the people of the State. Through his ncAvspaper 
he continued until his death to exert a large influence 
in New Hampshire politics. 

Of the other delegates Haile had been governor of 
the State, Stearns was president of the State Senate, 
Cross was the most prominent candidate for Congress 
to succeed Rollins, Cole was then and for years after 
the leading Republican in his section of the State, and 
Sawyer was an influential citizen of Strafford County. 
At the next election Sawyer became the candidate for 
Congress in the first district of the Republicans who 
bolted the renomination of Gilman Marston. 

Upon the legislature which convened in June, 1864, 
devolved the duty of electing a successor to Senator 
John P. Hale, whose term would expire with the 
thirty-eighth Congress. The reputation that Rollins 
had made as a Congi'cssman led a large number of his 
friends to suggest him as a candidate for the Senate. 



IN THE THIETY - EIGHTH CONGRESS W 

0,.e. avced candidates were Jo'^^j;^ ^^'^tlTs 

-^£dfTlC:r:i"t:i..o. 

majority on the ^^t l'''»° , '^l ^j^^ i^t,,est was in- 
cus, therefore, was doubtful, and the ,^ 
tense until the ballot was aten. So^i^^^^ ^^^ 
candidacy was concerned '*-■>;« ^t,.„,gh 
Stat^house oontost, whrch had becom ^^ 

isr ^-f ivr ATI Chester citizens to gi^e a iai^ 
the offer of Manche t State-house, pro- 

of money ^^'^^'f ' /^ , ^^ g^^^^ „,3 transferred from 

nh^irii:" t::i risr^: ufe^and 

ratrstr^STtheeiti^nsof^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
their city as the capital of the Sta.., a J^ ^^ 

called for the sacrjft e o al pe^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ 
the attainment of this end. ^^^^ ^ 

nnit^d States Se„-r ^J^^^ the wa.e per- 
str«nuons contest, there wo ^ ^.^^^ ^^^ 

^,,1 disappo— « -8^^^^^^,^ ^^^ ,^,„, to 

capital city. EoUins s ^^.^ ^^^^ 

that of no other citizen ^ ci^y h ^^^.^^^^ 

f„, „early twenty years. Here he h , ^^^ ^ 

^°r "!; i r^'^i; h tilTpproac^ for the 
triumplis m politics, a apparent both to 

rrill catr tat' his candidacy would militate 



172 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

against Concord's interests. They both concluded that 
it would not be wise to present RoUins's name to the 
Senatorial caucus. But, that his withdrawal might 
count as much as possible for Concord's benefit, he con- 
tinued a candidate until the night of the caucus. 
Just before the ballot was taken, Chandler withdrew 
Rollins's name. Five ballots were necessary to secure 
a choice.^ 

Tuck's name was withdra^vn after the third ballot, 
and his support went to Cragin in preference to Mars- 
ton. John H. George was the Democratic candidate 
for Senator. 

The Presidential campaign was not a long one. Not 
much doubt was entertained by Republicans of the re- 
sult in New Hampshire. Their majority in the spring 
election seemed too large for the Democrats to over- 
come, yet the Democratic party made a determined 
effort to carry the State. Rollins entered this cam- 
paign with enthusiasm, it being the first in which he 
had personally participated since he took his seat in 
Congress. He made many speeches throughout the 
canvass, besides assisting in the work of the State com- 
mittee. George Thompson, the English abolitionist, 

First Second Third Fourth Fifth 
1 Anthony Colby, of New London 1 1 

Ira Perley, of Concord 
Thomas M. Edwards, of Keene 
Amos Tuck, of Exeter 
John P. Hale, of Dover 
Aaron H. Cragin, of Lebanon 
Oilman Marston, of Exeter 



4 


4 


3 


2 




24 


19 


9 


1 




32 


37 


27 






36 


27 


20 


12 




49 


58 


72 


97 


126 


57 


69 


73 


89 


76 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 173 

Vice-President Hamlin, anf^ ^^-dwin C. Bailey, editor 
of the Boston Herald, took part in the campaign for 
the Republicans. 

The Democrats were assisted in their stump-speak- 
ing by C. T. Russell, William D. ISTorthend, Josiah 
G. Abbot, George S. Hilliard, and G. H. Devereau, 
of Massachusetts, C. C. Bun-, of Connecticut, and A. 
M. Dickey, of Vermont. The Republicans were suc- 
cessful, but their majority was much smaller than in 
the spring election.^ 

After election, Rollins returned to Washington to 
the closing session of the thirty-eighth Congress. 
Early in the session, he introduced a resolution of in- 
quiry regarding the treatment of Union prisoners of 
war in the Confederate prisons, with instructions to 
the committee on military affairs to report upon the 
expediency of providing by law for retaliation if such 
treatment of Union prisoners was continued, to the 
end that the Confederate authorities may be com- 
pelled to treat their prisoners according to the rules 
and usages of civilized warfare. The resolution was 
immediately adopted, but the next day, it occasioned 
a stirring debate, the Democrats claiming that they 
did not understand the purport of the resolution at 

1 The official vote as given in tiie Statesman of December 2, 1864, 
is as follows : 

LINCOLN MCCLELLAN 

Home vote . . . 34,382 32,200 

Soldier vote 2,018 671 

Total, 36,400 32,871 



174 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the time of its passage. Other resolutions were intro- 
duced during the debate, and the whole subject was 
finally referred to the committee on military affairs. 

It was during this session that an assault was made 
upon Congressman William D. Kelley, of Pennsyl- 
vania, by A. P. Field, of Louisiana, who claimed a 
seat in the House, and labored under the impression 
that Kelley' s influence prevented him from obtaining 
it. The assault was brought to the attention of the 
House, and a select committee, of which Rollins was 
one, was appointed by the Speaker to investigate and 
report. After inquiry, they reported the facts to the 
House, and Field was brought to the bar of the House, 
and reprimanded by the Speaker. 

The calls upon Rollins on the part of soldiers and 
their families were not confined to members of his 
party, nor did he show party preference in responding 
to them. All the people of ISTew Hampshire were his 
constituents, and he gave to each his best effort. In 
the midst of the political campaign of 1863, when the 
Democrats of the State were making strenuous efforts 
to defeat his reelection, he received a letter from Ira 
A. Eastman, the Democratic candidate for governor 
that year, in behalf of a 'Rew Hampshire soldier con- 
victed of desertion and sentenced to be hanged. East- 
man's letter is a type of many he received and is 
expressive of the faith that both Democrats and 
Republicans entertained of his potential influence. 
Eastman writes: 

" I learn that you have interested yourself to pro- 



IN THE THIRTY - EIGHTH CONGRESS 



175 



cure commutation of the sentence of Private -— -' 
Tenth New Hampshire Volunteers, and that the Pres- 
ident has or will reprieve him preliminary to commut- 
ing his sentence. I believe the governor sent the appli- 
cation for his commutation and you presented it to 
the President. If so, you saw the facts of the case. 
It should be especially borne in mind that he was a 
volunteer who enlisted in 1862 without^ any of the 
large bounties. It should also be borne m mmd that 
at the time of his desertion the offence was a very com- 
mon one, and not severely punished. Had he deserted 
within the last few months, it would be a very differ- 
ent matter. His wife is a very reputable, well-appear- 
ing woman, and has one or two children. Of course, 
she is deeply interested in his welfare, as well as his 
other friends. I hope you will see to it that there is 
no mistake about the matter. The life of a man is of 
some consequence to his friends at least and if he is 
released, he mil, no doubt, make a good soldier. He 
must have suffered much with this sentence hanging 
over him. I have told his friends that I have no doubt 
that you will look close to it so as to save him." 

The endorsement on the letter in Kollms s hand- 
writing is " A general order issued when first applica- 
tion made to suspend sentence in Butler's district. 
Have now had a special order sent by telegraph m 
this case and there is no doubt." 



CHAPTER X. 

THIKD ELECTION TO CONGRESS 

The Democratic party had been so thoroughly 
beaten in the Presidential campaign that it was im- 
possible for its leaders in ISTew Hampshire to evoke 
much enthusiasm among the rank and file in the spring 
campaign of 1865. Both leaders and followers were 
too dispirited to take advantage of Republican dis- 
sensions, of which there was soon to be abundant evi- 
dence. Then again, it was difficult for the party to 
abandon wholly the theories and principles for which 
it had fought for so long a time. The Democratic 
party did not, and could not, arise to its opportunity in 
this campaign. 

The Republican Congressional conventions in the 
first and second districts were held December 21, 1864. 
In the first district Marston was again a candidate 
for renomination. There was strong opposition, es- 
pecially among the supporters of Eastman, the can- 
didate of two years before, who had charged his defeat 
at the polls to the indifference of Marston. Eastman 
was not again a candidate, but the opponents of Mars- 
ton concentrated largely on Samuel M. Wheeler, of 

176 



THIRD ELECTION TO CONGRESS 177 

Dover. Only one ballot was necessary for a choice. 
The votes of the delegates were distributed as follows : 
Benjamin J. Cole, of Gilford, 7; Jacob H. Ela, of 
Rochester, 10 ; John D. Lyman, of Farmington, 19 ; 
Samuel M. Wheeler, of Dover, 72 ; Gilman Marston, 
of Exeter, 135. 

Dissatisfaction with the nomination at once made 
itself manifest, and charges were openly made that it 
had been brought about by unfair means and by the 
pernicious activity of federal office-holders. Immedi- 
ate steps were taken to call another convention. An 
address was issued to the Republicans of the district 
charging that the will of the party had been de- 
feated by methods deserving rebuke. There were also 
arrangements made for holding a bolting convention 
at Dover. The Monitor and its weekly, the Inde- 
pendent Democrat, gave encouragement to the bolt by 
not only publishing the address but also by favorable 
comment thereon. The convention at Dover nom- 
inated Thomas E. Sawyer of that city, who accepted 
the nomination. Among the reasons advanced for the 
defeat of Marston was the fact that he had had two 
terms in Congi-ess, which at that time and for years 
after was looked upon by many people of the State as 
the full complement to be given a Congressional can- 
didate. 

Rollins, in seeking a third nomination, had this ro- 
tation theory to overcome. He himself had been a 
candidate against Mason W. Tappan, in 1859, when 
the latter was seeking a third nomination, and had 



178 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

withdrawn only after an informal ballot showed Tap- 
pan largely in the lead. He had been an advocate of 
rotation, and continued so when later he aspired to 
the Senate. A formidable candidate had arisen in the 
rival city of Manchester. David Cross, who was voted 
for in the convention of 1859, and strongly supported 
in the convention of 1861, was seeking the nomination 
in this district. Rotation would send the nomination 
to Manchester. JSTor was this the only contest between 
these two cities, whose rivalry for so many years in- 
terfered with political ambitions. There were two 
active candidates for gubernatorial honors, Frederick 
Smyth, of Manchester, and Onslow Stearns, of Con- 
cord. The holding of the Congressional convention 
aliead of the State convention is quite likely to have 
been part of Rollins's plan to secure for himself in 
the division of prizes the one going to Concord. The 
Democratic Patriot later charged that he was respon- 
sible for the gubernatorial nomination going to Man- 
chester. 

The election of delegates to the second Congressional 
convention showed that the contest between Rollins 
and Cross would be close. The personal popularity 
of Cross and the rotation principle seemed likely 
to outweigh the advantages to the State of keeping an 
experienced legislator in Congress. Just before the 
convention, however, an adjustment of the contest was 
arranged by the mutual friends of Rollins and Cross. 
The pension agency for !N^ew Hampshire was then a 
lucrative office. Its emoluments were jj-reater than the 



THIRD ELECTION TO CONGRESS 179 

salary of a Congressman. A lawyer holding this place 
could at that time still keep in touch with his clients, 
and not entirely neglect his practice, which was not 
possible if he were serving in Congress. This phase 
of the case appealed to Cross, and he virtually with- 
drew from the Congressional race to become a success- 
ful candidate for the pension agency, a change of am- 
bition he has repeatedly said he never regretted, 

David Cross's political activities pertain to almost 
three generations of contemporaries. So well pre- 
served is he to-day (1906) that he seems to have all 
the elasticity of a man in middle life. Yet, he was 
first a candidate for Congress forty-seven years ago, 
and was influential in Whig politics at an earlier date. 
Giving up political ambition after he accepted the 
pension agency, his life-work has been in his profes- 
sion, where he has ranked among the leaders both as 
a counsellor and as an advocate. Now the iSTestor of 
the bar of the State, he is regarded with filial affection 
by all his juniors in the profession. This attachment 
is but a just return, for his whole life has been one 
of helpfulness to young and struggling attorneys. 
Although not aspiring to office, he has most cheer- 
fully responded at all times to calls for party work. 
His active campaigning covers quite half a century. 
His last public service was as a member of the con- 
stitutional convention of 1902. 

The Congressional convention for the second dis- 
trict was held at Manchester and was largely attended. 
An informal ballot showed fifty-five votes for Cross 



180 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

and one hundred and thirty-four for Rollins. The 
name of Cross was then withdrawn, and the nomina- 
tion of Rollins made by acclamation. The convention 
then adopted the following resolution: 

" Resolved, That Edward H. Rollins has by his em- 
inently patriotic and laborious endeavors, and by his 
faithful service for the country in most trying and 
difficult circumstances during his four years of public 
record, proved himself a most talented and useful legis- 
lator and a representative whose influence, labors, and 
experience can be regarded as indispensable in the 
present juncture of our affairs, and we heartily com- 
mend him to the voters of the district." 

The Democratic newspapers of the State assailed 
the nomination with vehemence. The Union, of Man- 
chester, attributed it to the power of the " apothecary 
shop" to manipulate things. The Pati-iot said: 

" The renomination of Rollins was expected, for it 
had been fixed beforehand. The administration acts 
generally upon Mr. Lincoln's theory that it is bad pol- 
icy to swap horses while crossing a stream. Having 
proved Rollins and found him to be reliable, always 
ready to do its work without question as to its char- 
acter or tendenc}', it deemed it best to retain him two 
years longer, and, therefore, gave him the power to 
secure his own nomination. . . . The nomination was 
virtually made at Washington. Every intelligent man 
knows that the unbiassed action of the Republican 
party of the district would have resulted in a very dif- 
ferent manner, but Rollins had the patronage of the 



THIRD ELECTION TO CONGRESS 181 

administration at his bestowal, and that was used to 
effect the desired result." 
The Statesman said : 

" Edward H. Rollins was placed in nomination for 
a third term of service as a member of Congress by 
the cordial and unanimous vote of a convention of 
nearly two hundred members. This is a procedure 
m the highest degree creditable to the convention, and 
took place under circumstances which cannot but be 
very gratifying to the intelligent, efficient, and labori- 
ous member from the second district of our State. A 
complimentary vote was given to David Cross, of Man- 
chester, a gentleman for whom men of all parties en- 
tertain deep respect for his high personal character, 
and who has secured the universal regard of the He- 
publican party for effective service rendered the cause 
at home and abroad." 

Patterson was renominated in the third district by 
acclamation. 

The Republican State convention was held January 
4, 1865. It was called to order by ^"ehemiah G Ord- 
way in the absence of William E. Chandler, chairman 
of the Republican State committee. Nathaniel G 
TJpham, of Concord, presided. The platform, reported 
by Austin F. Pike, pledged the party anew to a vigor- 
ous prosecution of the war, and declared for the com- 
plete extermination of slavery from the soil of the 
republic. The nomination o" Rollins for Conoress 
precluded the possibility of the gubernatorial noinina- 
tion going to Concord, but the friends of Stearns clung 



182 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tenaciously to him as a candidate. The ballot showed 
445 votes for Frederick Smyth, 221 for Onslow 
Stearns, 8 for Walter Harriman, and 6 for Milan W. 
Harris, of Dublin. Smyth was declared the nominee. 

Frederick Smyth, whose occupation was that of a 
banker, was an eminently successful business man. 
He had been mayor of Manchester, and had served in 
the legislature. A product of the school of stern neces- 
sity, he made his way in life by his self-reliance, fore- 
seeing opportunities, and taking advantage of them. 
A close student of human nature, he had a pleasing 
address, and possessed those attributes which contrib- 
ute to personal popularity. Energetic and resource- 
ful, acting where others hesitated, he made a success- 
ful chief magistrate at a time when large executive 
ability was required. 

A change was made this year in the method of elect- 
ing a State committee. The Republicans of the sev- 
eral counties were authorized to choose committees to 
work within the counties. The chairmen and secre- 
taries of the county organizations constituted ex 
officio the State central committee. " This plan," re- 
marked the Statesman, " will, it is hoped, remove all 
complaint of ' central cliques,' ' Concord dictation,' 
etc." The new plan survived just one campaign. 

The Democratic State convention was held Janu- 
ary 12, 1865. Dr. A. P. Stackpole, of Dover, pre- 
sided. Edward W. Harrington, of Manchester, was 
renominated by acclamation. The platform was very 
brief. After reciting the preamble of the United 



THIRD ELECTION TO CONGRESS 183 

States constitution, the convention resolved " That the 
delegated Democracy of New Hampshire in conven- 
tion assembled accept as a platform of principles the 
constitution and the Union." 

After the convention had voted to accept this as a 
declaration of principles, a commotion was created by 
an amendment offered endorsing the Kentucky and 
Virginia resolutions of 1798 and 1799, calling for a 
convention of States for the adjustment of present 
troubles, and protesting against the Eepublican party's 
purpose of abolishing slavery. After a spirited debate, 
the amendment was rejected by a vote of 73 yeas to 
114 nays. This contest over the platform destroyed 
whatever chance the Democratic party had of profit- 
ing by Republican dissensions. 

At the Democratic Congressional conventions, 
Daniel Marcy was renominated in the first district, 
while new candidates were presented in both the sec- 
ond and third districts. Lewis W. Clark, of Man- 
chester, was selected in the second district, and Harry 
Bingham, of Littleton, in the third. 

Eollins's opponent, Lewis W. Clark, was a brilliant 
man of fine legal attainments. He stood well at the 
bar, was a pleasing speaker and personally popular. 
He afterward became attorney-general of the State 
and subsequently was appointed to its supreme bench, 
where he remained until retired by age limitations. 
Although a Democrat to the close of his life, both 
political parties had confidence in him, and he was 
made chief justice by a Republican governor and 



184 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

council with the entire approval of the people of the 
State. 

The bolt in the first Congressional district encour- 
aged the opposition to Rollins to attempt like action 
in the second district. Stearns regarded his defeat for 
the gubernatorial nomination as due to RoUins's third 
nomination for Congress, and was lukewarm even if 
not opposed to the latter's election. Governor Gilmore, 
who was at odds with the Republican party over the 
soldiers' voting bill, which was passed by the previous 
legislature, and which he attempted to veto, was es- 
pecially hostile to Rollins and Ordway. At his in- 
stigation, a meeting of Republicans was called at Con- 
cord to determine whether action should be taken to 
bolt the nomination. Many of those opposed to Rollins 
were invited to the meeting by Gilmore. Chandler 
invited others friendly to Rollins. Gilmore inform- 
ally presided at the meeting and called for opinions. 
These were given, and, while some were in favor of 
taking formal action, no one was ready to take the 
responsibility of contributing to the election of Clark. 
The project failed largely through the efforts of 
Chandler, assisted by Austin F. Pike, who was then 
chairman of the State committee. 

The campaign was not enlivened by much speaking 
on either side. Few local speakers took part. A few 
meetings were arranged by the Republicans, which 
were addressed by Dr. George B. Loring, of Massachu- 
setts, William C. Doane, of Washington, D. C, and 
Edward McPherson, of Pennsylvania. The Statesman 



THIRD ELECTION TO CONGRESS 185 

commented upon the quietness of the canvass and oc- 
casionally warned the Republicans not to be caught 
napping. The Monitor and Independent Democrat 
voiced a dissatisfaction which was felt by disappointed 
candidates, their friends and others who thought that 
Rollins, Chandler, and Ordway had too much to do 
with shaping the affairs of the party. So independent 
were these two newspapers that talk was made of start- 
ing at the capital an administration daily. Referring 
to a report of this, the Monitor satirically welcomed 
the proposed paper and boldly disclaimed being an 
administration organ. It said : " If, in the first Con- 
gressional district, Gilman Marston, in the second dis- 
trict, Edward H. Rollins, and in the State at large, 
Nehemiah G. Ordway are the administration, we are 
not an administration daily." 

The Democratic Patriot, commenting upon the situ- 
ation, said : " It is apparent to every one that there 
is much dissatisfaction among Republicans of this [the 
second] district and that many of those who finally 
vote for Rollins will do so with great reluctance and, 
as the Monitor says, under protest. Indeed that paper 
declares that even greater dissatisfaction exists here 
than in the first district, where there is much reason 
to believe the abolition candidate will be defeated. 
The Monitor says this dissatisfaction is not with the 
principles of the party, but with the men who claim 
to be the exponents of those principles — with Rollins, 
Chandler, and Ordway, in fact." 

There were frequent and anxious conferences of 



186 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the Republican leaders, and Rollins was in constant 
correspondence with his friends in the district. 
No canvass gave any indication of the extent of the 
dissatisfaction. The canvass put out by the Republi- 
can State committee showed less than three thousand 
majority. The committee itself was far from san- 
guine of attaining even this majority. Therefore, the 
returns came in as a happy surprise. The Republican 
victory was overwhelming. The vote for governor was 
as follows : Scattering, 57 ; Edward W. Harrington, 
28,017; Frederick Smyth, 34,145. 

The majority exceeded that of the preceding year 
on a much lighter vote. The Republican majority in 
the legislature was very large. All three of the Repub- 
lican candidates for Congress were elected. Marston 
had fifteen hundred majority in the first district, Rol- 
lins seventeen hundred in the second, and Patterson 
eighteen hundred in the third. The vote for Sawyer, 
the bolting Republican candidate in the first district, 
was but about five himdred. 



CHAPTER XI. 

IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 

The national events immediately following the 
March election of 1865 in JSTew Hampshire obscured 
for the time being all thoughts of politics. In quick 
succession came the surrender of Lee, the assassination 
of Lincoln, and the final collapse of the confederacy. 
Rollins was in Washington at the time, although Con- 
gress had adjourned. He was one of the few who 
Were at the bedside of Lincoln when he died, and he 
was one of the committee accompanying the remains 
of the President to Illinois. From Lincoln's home, he 
returned to Concord, to remain until the thirty-ninth 
Congress should assemble in the following December. 

It is interesting to note that the last official signa- 
ture of Abraham Lincoln is in the possession of the 
Rollins family. About five o'clock on the afternoon 
of April 14, 1865, Rollins called upon the President 
to secure his endorsement on a petition from IsTew 
Hampshire addressed to tlie Secretary of War. Lin- 
coln had finished his day's business and left his office 
in the AVhite House, going up-stairs. On receiving 
Rollins's card, he returned to meet him. Lincoln took 

187 



188 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the petition on his knee and "wrote his endorsement, 
dated it, and signed his name. As Rollins took his 
departure, Lincoln gave orders to the doorkeeper to 
admit no one to the White House. As Lincoln's as- 
sassination followed that evening, Rollins did not pre- 
sent the petition, but kept it as a memento of the mar- 
tyred President, forwarding the request of his New 
Hampshire constituents in another way. A few years 
later this petition was shown to Schuyler Colfax by 
Senator Rollins's son, Edward W. Rollins, and the time 
and circumstances connected with the President's signa- 
ture related. Colfax said that it was undoubtedly Lin- 
coln's last signature, as he dined with the President 
that night and after dinner escorted him to the carriage 
which was to take him to the theatre. Colfax said that 
while he was at the White House in the evening Lin- 
coln performed no official act. 

/CLa^ 0^-t'^-€>0' /hj^-fii^^ l!<o(r^r^ */K^ 



^Jni'^^ 



/yti\ 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 189 

The time intervening between the assassination of 
Lincoln and the meeting of Congress in December was 
a period of mourning for the martyred President, and 
of speculation as to the policy of his successor. The 
question of the reconstruction of the South was over- 
shadowing all else, and the whole country watched 
every move and utterance of Andrew Johnson with 
eager interest. He was a Southern man and, before 
the war, a Democrat. His attitude tow^ard the South, 
now that peace had come, was unknown, but the Re- 
publican leaders were hopeful that he would continue 
in accord with the party that elected him, and this hope 
was not fully dispelled until after Congress had assem- 
bled. 

Rollins was sworn in for the third time as a mem- 
ber of the House. He was made chairman of the com- 
mittee on accounts, and a member of the committee 
on public expenditures. Marston was put upon the 
committees on military affairs and mileage, while Pat- 
terson was advanced to the committee on foreign af- 
fairs. The committee on accounts had oversight of 
the expenditures of the House for supplies and for 
salaries of employees. To keep the expenditures 
within reasonable limits and to respond to the constant 
request of members for increase of compensation of 
their friends upon the pay-rolls of the House was no 
easy task. At times the House in an economical mood 
would sit down hard upon the report of the committee 
for a necessary expenditure, while at others Rollins 
had to fight with all the persistency of his nature some 



190 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

generous impulse of members to increase salaries all 
along the line. To the committee on public expendi- 
tures was assigned various investigations of the larger 
custom-houses and alleged frauds in the internal rev- 
enue, and the committee was kept busy a good share of 
its time. 

Rollins's third term in Congress was marked by the 
same patient industry, close attention to the business 
of the House, and constant activity in behalf of his con- 
stituents that characterized his previous terms of serv- 
ice. Being better known, the demand upon his time 
was greater. He had been a member of the conuiiittee 
on the District of Columbia but one term, giving place 
in the thirty-eighth Congress to Patterson, his col- 
league from New Hampshire, but he continued to take 
an interest in the affairs of the District, which the 
people of Washington appreciated. The welfare of 
the recently emancipated slaves of the District engaged 
his attention, and he had the satisfaction of contrib- 
uting by his efforts to the improvement of their con- 
dition. With the experience that comes of service in 
the House, he participated more frequently in debates, 
but he made no set speech. In the stormy times which 
followed the break of President Johnson with the Re- 
publican party, Rollins stood firm with the Republi- 
can leaders in opposing the policy of Johnson, all the 
time watchful of opinion in IsTew Hampshire and ear- 
nestly at work to keep the State in line with Republi- 
can principles. 

At the very beginning of Johnson's administration, 



IN THE THIRTY -NINTH CONGRESS 191 

the question of appointments to office became acute. 
JSTot many appointments had been made by Lincoln 
in his second tenn prior to his death.- ISTew Hamp- 
shire men in federal position were desirous of remain- 
ing. Some of them, like Amos Tuck and George G. 
Fogg, were holding important offices. The advent of 
Johnson upset all plans made with his predecessor, 
and it early developed that Johnson had preferences 
of his own to gratify. So long as the latter appeared 
to act with the Republicans, Rollins undertook to 
assist in retaining the New Hampshire federal offi- 
cials in office. As more was expected of him than of 
other members of the delegation, so he had to share 
a larger part of the responsibility for failure. No 
small part of the enmity of influential Republicans 
in New Hampshire which he incurred dates from this 
period. As the management of the party in New 
Hampshire was attributed to Rollins, Chandler, and 
Ordway, so to them was laid the blame for individual 
disappointments of office-holders and office-seekers. 
From this time on, the attacks upon them from within 
the party became more pronounced. While President 
Johnson was slowly drifting into alliance with the 
Democratic party, another campaign occurred in New 
Hampshire. 

The Republican State convention was held January 
5, 1866. It was called to order by Benjamin F. Pres- 
cott, the secretary of the State committee. George G. 
Fogg presided. Governor Smyth was renominated by 
acclamation. The platform adopted was a somewhat 



192 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

guarded document in its reference to the administra- 
tion at Washington. It commended Andrew Johnson 
as a just citizen, sincere patriot, and distinguished 
statesman, approved the tone and temper of liis late 
annual message, and pledged him hearty support in 
all his efforts to restore harmony and mutual trust be- 
tween different sections of the Union upon the basis 
of universal liberty and justice to all. 

The Democratic State convention did not meet until 
February 7, 1866. The attitude of the President was 
now clear, and the Democrats were able to take a de- 
cided position on his policy. Their convention was 
called to order by Lewis W. Clark, chairman of the 
State committee, and Charles R. Morrison, of Man- 
chester, was elected president. On the ballot for a 
candidate for governor, John G. Sinclair, of Bethle- 
hem, was nominated, receiving 305 votes to 38 for 
Hiram R. Roberts, of Rollinsford, 28 for John W. 
Sanborn, of Wakefield, and 5 scattering. 

The platform, quoting from President Johnson that 
" propositions to amend the constitution are becoming 
as numerous as resolutions at town meetings called 
to consider the most ordinary questions of local af- 
fairs," resolved that " we disapprove of all amend- 
ments to the constitution at the present time and 
under the present circumstances." 

It further pledged to Andrew Johnson the support 
of the Democratic party " in the efforts he is making 
to secure to all the States immediate representation 
in Congress and their full rights under the constitu- 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 193 

tion as States of the Union." It promised to stand by 
him so long as he stands by the constitution. It in- 
vited all patriotic citizens to unite with the Democratic 
party in this purpose. The Democrats were further 
encouraged by the report that the President would ap- 
point no men to office who did not support his policy. 

The campaign was a quiet one. With a new can- 
didate for governor, the Democrats expected to make 
an improved showing on the popular vote, and were 
not without hope that the defection of Andrew John- 
son would contribute to their success in the State by 
unsettling the convictions of New Hampshire Repub- 
licans. They were, however, disappointed. The re- 
turns showed the reelection of Governor Smyth by 
nearly five thousand majority. The vote was as fol- 
lows: Scattering, 18; John G. Sinclair, 30,484; 
Frederick Smyth, 35,136. 

It devolved upon the incoming legislature to choose 
a successor to Senator Daniel Clark. Including 
himself, there were four candidates who aspired to 
his sea,t in the Senate. The others were Rollins, Pat- 
terson, and Marston, all of whom were then members 
of Congress whose terms expired at the same time with 
Clark's. Patterson had come rapidly to the front 
during his service in the national House, attracting 
the attention of the country by his forceful and elo- 
quent speeches. He was strongly supported for the 
position. Rollins had withdrawn two years before 
as a candidate on account of Concord's interest in re- 
maining the capital of the State. Marston had come 



194 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

very near to the goal at that time, having been de- 
feated by the transfer of Amos Tuck's support to 
Aaron H. Cragin. The cry of rotation in office was 
taken up by Rollins, Patterson, and Marston, and it 
became a contest with Clark against the field. Clark, 
though lacking elements of personal popularity, was 
strong as a candidate because of the prominence he 
had attained in the Senate. It was evident that those 
favorable to rotation in office could more easily unite 
on Patterson than on either Rollins and Marston, both 
of whom bore scars from their recent Congressional 
contests. One had been openly bolted and the other 
seriously threatened with a bolt. Although both had 
been reelected by large majorities, the feeling en- 
gendered by their contests for renomination still re- 
mained. Four ballots were necessary for a choice and 
Patterson was nominated.^ 

Rollins expressed no disappointment at his defeat. 
He returned to the short session of the thirty-ninth 
Congress with the hope that he might be again re- 
turned to the House. In this hope he was somewhat 
encouraged by his friends. A large majority of the 
working Republicans of the State looked upon him 
as the most effective member of the delegation in that 
his work, though not so conspicuous as that of some 

First Second Third Fourth 

1 Clark ' 72 76 79 77 

Patterson 62 69 82 124 

Marston 36 35 27 2 

Rollins 36 25 15 2 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 195 

of his colleagues, usually brought about results. His 
most formidable opponent was Aaron F. Stevens, of 
Nashua, an able lawyer of political prominence. A 
vacancy on the supreme bench of the State was soon 
to occur, to which it was thought Stevens might be 
appointed. If so, the field would be reasonably clear 
for Rollins's fourth nomination. Stevens was post- 
master of JSTashua at this time. Rollins, therefore, 
wrote to his friends in the district asking their advice 
as to his candidacy. In the meantime, delegates were 
elected to the convention which was to assemble at 
Manchester, December 27, 1866. Rollins himself was 
chosen a delegate from Ward 4, Concord. A number 
of Rollins's staunch friends, like Ordway, Austin F. 
Pike, John Kimball, of Concord, Edward Osgood and 
David Foster, of Canterbury, were also chosen as del- 
egates. 

Referring to the approaching Congressional conven- 
tion in the second district, the Statesman said : " In 
our own district Mr. Rollins, the present efficient Rep- 
resentative, has been so uniformly right upon all ques- 
tions presented to Congi-ess and his name is so inter- 
woven with the true men who have been returned from 
nearly all the loyal States to the fortieth Congress 
that we confess it would give us pleasure to see him 
returned again. The great issue now presented to the 
people is whether Congress shall be sustained or the 
President. The question is presented as one of policy 
solely, whether Mr. Rollins shall be reelected or a new 
Representative chosen. It is not whether we shall 



196 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

adopt a fourth term rule, but whether, under existing 
circumstances, Mr. Rollins be returned as a direct 
rebuke to Andrew Johnson. At the same time, we are 
not unmindful of the claims of distinguished ajid 
worthy gentlemen of the district. The popular choice 
seems to point strongly toward Gen. Aaron F. Stevens, 
of Nashua, as the successor of Mr. Rollins whenever 
a new man is chosen. His election would be a fitting 
recognition of his eminent service in the State and 
in the field. Messrs. Pike, of Franklin, and Briggs, 
of Hillsborough, are both mentioned in the same con- 
nection, and the responsibilities of the ofiice might be 
safely left in their hands." 

The convention being in the recess of Congress, 
Rollins attended. After the convention was called to 
order, he addressed it, and the conclusion he had 
reached is set forth in his speech. He said : 

" I propose to submit a few remarks to this con- 
vention which in my judgment will have a tendency 
to promote that harmony and unity of action which 
are so essential to the welfare and prosperity of the 
Republicans of the district. I am well aware that 
there are gentlemen present, and many in the district, 
warm friends, who would be pleased to see me renom- 
inated and reelected to Congress. I confess with entire 
frankness that there was a time when, considering the 
question whether Congress or the President would be 
sustained by the people, observing that generally the 
members of the thirty-ninth Congress had been re- 
turned, and listening to the kind and flattering words 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 197 

of ardent and devoted supporters, I thought it possible, 
aje probable, that this constituency would depart in 
this instance from the time-honored doctrine of rota- 
tion in office. That time has passed. Distrusting my 
own judg^nent and desiring full information to enable 
me to arrive at an intelligent conclusion, and to act 
agreeably to the wishes of the Kepublican party, I 
wrote letters to influential gentlemen in various parts 
of the district, seeking counsel as to the sentiments of 
the people in their immediate localities. To some of 
these letters I received prompt reply, but many replies 
were so long delayed that they have but recently come 
into my hands. While the tone of the responses was 
with scarcely an exception of most kind and cordial 
character, assuring me of full and unqualified endorse- 
ment of my official record, it was apparent that there 
was a strong inclination to adhere to the doctrine of 
rotation. To the doctrine I have been committed in 
the past, and I submit to it cheerfully in the present. 

" I wish now to express my hearty thanks to my 
friends, here and elsewhere, and to the Republican 
party of the district for their many expressions of con- 
fidence, and the unfaltering support which has been 
given to me during the nearly six years I have held 
a seat in Congress. At the expiration of my present 
term, I shall again return to the ranks, where, I fiatter 
myself, I have heretofore done some service for the 
cause, and where I hope to do still more in the future." 

Mr. Rollins then moved the nomination of Stevens 
by acclamation. The name of James F. Briggs, of 



198 LIFE or EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Hillsborough, was withdrawn, and Stevens was nom- 
inated. The convention then adopted the following 
resolution : 

" Resolved, That we are proud of the official career 
of our present able and efficient Representative in 
Congress, Edward H. Rollins, and that we fully and 
heartily endorse the same and pledge ourselves to push 
forward to consummation the work in which he in 
Congress is engaged." 

In the Republican convention of the first Congres- 
sional district, Jacob H. Ela, of Rochester, was nom- 
inated after several ballots, the other candidates being 
Gilman Marston, Samuel M. Wheeler, and Edward 
Ashton Rollins, the latter being a cousin of Edward H. 
Rollins. 

Ela was a hard-working Republican, and a very 
earnest man. As a public speaker he made a favorable 
impression upon an audience. After serving two terms 
in Congress, he was appointed an auditor of the Treas- 
ury Department at Washington, a position he held 
for many years. Throughout life he was a familiar 
figure in ISTew Hampshire campaigns. 

In the third district, Jacob Benton, of Lancaster, 
was nominated by acclamation, the other candidates 
withdrawing before a ballot. Benton had a rugged 
and strong character, and a well-balanced mind. 
A man of positive convictions, he would have been a 
leader in any walk in life. Educated for the bar, he 
held a prominent place in the profession. After his 
Congressional career he drifted into business pursuits. 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 199 

making and losing a fortune. Settling in full with his 
creditors, he took up the hurden late in life and again 
acquired a competence. 

The Republican State convention, which met Janu- 
ary 8, 1867, excited wide-spread interest because of 
the intense contest made for the gubernatorial nom- 
ination, Onslow Stearns, who had been a candidate 
two years before, was again in the field. In the natu- 
ral sequence of politics, the nomination would have 
been accorded to him without opposition. But this 
was the first State convention in New Hampshire since 
the close of the war, and there was a demand for a 
soldier candidate on the part of many Republicans of 
the State. Walter Harriman, then Secretary of State, 
who had stepped into the breach four years before as 
an independent candidate to save Gilmore from de- 
feat, had enthusiastic support. Rollins, Chandler, and 
Ordway, who were dissatisfied with Stearns's course 
after his defeat in the previous convention, favored 
Harriman. The Manchester Mii'ror opposed Stearns 
because he was a railroad president, and supported 
Harriman. The Statesman early in the canvass came 
out strongly for Steams, but later urged the third nom- 
ination of Governor Smyth in the interest of party 
harmony. The last nomination was also favored for the 
same reason by the Portsmouth Journal, the Dover 
Enquirer, and the Claremont Eagle. The canvass be- 
came very earnest, with much display of personal feel- 
ing. Other candidates were mentioned during the 
canvass, but the strife between the friends of Harri- 



200 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

man and Steams forced all dark horses from the field. 
Governor Smyth, before the convention assembled, de- 
clined to be a candidate for a third time. Simon G. 
Griffin, of Keene, presided over the convention. Har- 
riman was nominated on the first ballot, the vote stand- 
ing, Harriman 349, Stearns 318, and scattering 8. 
The Patriot attributed the defeat of Stearns to the 
efforts of " the ring," meaning Rollins, Chandler, and 
Ordwaj. 

The Democratic convention met January 16, 1867, 
with a confidence its members had not shared for sev- 
eral years. The administration at Washington was no 
longer in sympathy with the Republican party. The 
Republican office-holders had either been supplanted 
by Johnson men or coerced into inactivity. The 
threatened breach in the Republican ranks gave great 
encouragement to the Democracy. The convention 
was presided over by Edmund Burke, of ]^ewport. 
John G. Sinclair was renominated by acclamation. 
The latter on motion of John H. George was instructed 
to challenge Harriman to meet him upon the stmnp 
and discuss before the people the issues of the day. 
The challenge was accepted, and meetings were ar- 
ranged. 

Harriman at the time of this debate was fifty years 
of age. He had been educated for the ministry, and 
had preached for several years. Retiring from the 
ministry, he engaged in trade at Warner. Being an 
effective and eloquent speaker, his drift into politics 
was easy and natural. From about 1850 to 1862, he 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 201 

was one of the most popular campaign speakers of the 
Democratic party of New Hampshire. As a war Dem- 
ocrat he had enlisted and gone to the front at the head 
of a ISTew Hampshire regiment, and had been breveted 
brigadier-general. His affiliation with the Republi- 
can party dated from about 1863. The N^ew Hamp- 
shire Democrats bitterly resented his change of poli- 
tics, and he was the target in subsequent campaigns 
for virulent denunciation. As recalled at a little later 
period, Harriman was a man of imposing presence, 
long, flowing, white hair, a resonant voice, captivating 
audiences by his well-rounded periods and apt Scrip- 
tural quotations. He was always in demand during 
the campaign both at home and abroad, and ranked 
among the best stump-speakers of the country. He 
was afterward appointed naval officer of customs at the 
port of Boston, a position which he held for two 
terms. 

John Gr. Sinclair was one of the giants of the Demo- 
cratic party of New Hampshire. A self-made man, 
endowed by nature with shrewdness, sagacity, and a 
ready wit, he early in life came to the front in the 
politics of the State. There was a vein of irony in 
his speech nettling to an opponent, but evoking the 
delight of his partisans. He served many terms in the 
House of Representatives of New Hampshire, and was 
the most brilliant debater of that body during his term 
of service. He would delight the House with a fund 
of anecdotal and humorous illustrations with which 
he punctured the argument of an opponent, and, while 



202 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the merits of the question most frequently left him 
in the minority when the vote was taken, he almost 
invariably carried off the honors of the discussion. 
Any unfortunate lapse of speech of an opponent was 
his opportunity, for he was quick at repartee, and his 
greatest forensic triumphs seemed to be won when, 
without warning, a debate was precipitated upon the 
House. He was afflicted with deafness, but this in- 
firmity appeared in no way to impair his effectiveness. 
It used to be said that he always heard all that it was 
necessary to hear for the purposes of reply, and cer- 
tainly no vulnerable point in an opponent's argument 
escaped him. Such was the antagonist whom Harri- 
man had to meet in the joint discussion which was to 
be held in different parts of the State. 

There had been no joint discussion in the State of 
any note since the meeting of Franklin Pierce and 
John P. Hale in the Old ISTorth Meeting-house at 
Concord twenty years before, and the Harriman-Sin- 
clair debate attracted the attention of the entire State. 
The issues discussed by Harriman and Sinclair were 
national, and the meetings drew throngs of people. 
So intense was the partisan feeling at the time that 
no contemporary opinion of the merits of the speakers 
was unbiassed. At the close of each meeting, the Re- 
publicans were positive that Harriman had the best 
of the discussion, while the Democrats were equally 
certain that Sinclair had worsted his opponent. Har- 
riman had the better cause and he won, but it is no dis- 
credit to him to say that Sinclair at that time was 



IN THE THIRTY - NINTH CONGRESS 203 

probably without his equal in the State as a debater 
in the political forum. 

For Congress the Democrats renominated Daniel 
Marcy in the first district, and Harry Bingham in the 
third, while Edward W. Harrington, of Manchester, 
was put forward as the candidate in the second district. 

The friends of Steams were very bitter over his 
defeat, and for a time a bolt of the convention seemed 
possible, with Stearns running as an independent can- 
didate. A meeting of the prominent Republicans of 
the State was called in Concord, and about one hun- 
dred and fifty were present, having in view the nom- 
ination of Stearns as an independent Republican, with 
the expectation that the Democrats would endorse 
him. Sinclair favored this course, and stood ready to 
withdraw. Fear of the disruption of the Republican 
party alone prevented action, and Stearns himself, in 
a letter to the chairman of the meeting, declined to 
have his name used, saying among other things : 
" Whatever my opinions may be relative to the manner 
in which the canvass was conducted and the false rep- 
resentations made in regard to one of the most im- 
portant interests of the State with which I am and 
have been for a. long time identified, I cherish too 
strong an attachment to old associations to allow my 
personal feelings to control my political action, and, 
whatever measures you may see fit to adopt to express 
your disapprobation of the course pursued, I must 
respectfully decline to allow my name to be used as 
a candidate for governor at the ensuing election." 



204 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Stearns was assured by the Republican leaders that 
he would be nominated as Harriman's successor, and 
united action was secured in behalf of the Republican 
ticket. It was largely through the instrumentality 
of Austin F. Pike, chairman of the State committee, 
that a bolt was prevented. There still remained 
enough of personal dissatisfaction to give the Demo- 
crats encouragement in the campaign, but the returns 
showed a Republican victory by a somewhat reduced 
majority. The vote was as follows: Scattering, 136; 
John G. Sinclair, 32,663; Walter Harriman, 35,809. 



CHAPTER XII. 

ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 

RoLLiNs's third term in Congress expired March 4, 
186Y. He returned home to give some attention to 
his private affairs. As he had said in his speech to the 
convention which nominated his successor, he still 
hoped, while returning to the ranks, to be of service 
to the cause. He held himself subject to call by 
his party, and he had not long to wait before being 
drawn into sei-vice. The fall elections of 1867 were 
far from gratifying to the Republicans, while they en- 
couraged Democratic activities all over the country. 
In the October State elections of that autumn, the 
Democrats carried Pennsylvania by a small majority 
on the popular vote and secured the legislature of Ohio, 
defeating Benjamin F. Wade for reelection to the Sen- 
ate, while Rutherford B. Hayes, Republican candidate 
for governor, received only three thousand majority. 
In the l^ovember elections following, the Democrats 
carried 'New York by fifty thousand majority and New 
Jersey by twelve thousand. Preceding as these elec- 
tions did the Presidential year, the Democrats were 
buoyant with courage, while the Republicans were cor- 

206 



206 LIFE OF EDWABD H. ROLLINS 

respondingly depressed. The March election of 1868 
in New Hampshire would be the next State election, 
and the eyes of the whole country were focussed upon 
this State, always debatable, for a further indication 
of the probabilities of the impending national contest. 
Elated by the success of their brethren in other 
States, the Democrats of New Hampshire assumed the 
offensive and called their convention early. It was held 
November 14, 1867, Lewis W. Clark presiding. There 
was a lively contest for the nomination for governor. 
Sinclair, who had been defeated twice, was again a 
candidate, but a very large number of the party favored 
a new candidate. These people rallied about Ellery 
A. Hibbard, of Laconia, a lawyer of good standing at 
the bar, and a Democrat not so scarred in political war- 
fare as Sinclair. Hibbard was a practitioner in his 
profession whose counsel led to the settlement of con- 
troversies, a man of quiet tastes, one respected by all 
who knew him, and against whom nothing could be 
urged in public or private life. No stronger candidate 
could have been selected at that time by the Democratic 
party. A local support of Hiram R. Roberts, of Rol- 
linsford, deflected just enough votes in the convention 
to defeat Hibbard. Two ballots were necessary for a 
choice. On the first ballot the vote stood : Sinclair, 
312 ; Hibbard, 302 ; Roberts, 31 ; and scattering, 17. 
On the second ballot Sinclair was nominated by a vote 
of 331 to 269. The contest in this convention was the 
beginning of a struggle for leadership which was soon 
to divide the Democratic party into factions. How- 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 207 

ever, the renomination of Sinclair was acquiesced in, 
and the Democratic party, united for the time being, 
entered the campaign for one of its most desperate 
struggles to regain control of the State. 

Joshua L. Foster, of Portsmouth, afterward of 
Dover, reported the resolutions. These denounced 
the Congressional plan of reconstruction as a revolu- 
tionary usurpation and characterized the attempt of 
Congress to establish supremacy of the negro race (in 
the South) as " a most atrocious crime against the 
principles of Republican government and the civiliza- 
tion of the age." Anson S. Marshall, of Concord, was 
chosen chairman of the Democratic State committee. 
He was a man of brilliant attainments, a leader at the 
bar, self-reliant, and with capacity for organization. 
Under his leadership the party was brought into its 
best fighting trim, and labored incessantly for victory. 

The Republican State convention met December 18, 
1867. Onslow Stearns was elected president. Walter 
Harriman was renominated by acclamation. William 
E. Chandler reported the resolutions, which in vigor- 
ous terms endorsed the policy of Congress, accepting 
the gage of battle thrown down by the Democratic 
party, and declaring for General Grant as the next 
Republican candidate for President. This declaration 
for Grant precipitated the Presidential canvass into 
the State campaign, and the issues at once became 
wholly national. Rollins was again elected chairman 
of the State committee after an absence of six years 
from this position. 



208 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

The Democratic campaign was opened at Concord 
soon after the conventions by a meeting which was ad- 
dressed by John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, 
grandson of President John Quincy Adams. He was 
followed in the campaign by an array of speaking 
talent seldom seen in the State. The Democratic 
ISTational committee saw the advantage to accrue if 
New Hampshire could be detached from Republican 
control, and responded to all calls of the party in the 
State. Some of the ablest Democratic speakers in the 
country participated in this campaign. The list in- 
cluded Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana, Montgomery 
Blair and Charles E. Phelps, of Maryland, Richard 
O'Gorman, C. C. Burr, John A. Thompson, E. O. Per- 
rin, and James S. Thayer, of New York, James R. 
Doolittle, of Wisconsin, Thomas Ewing, Jr., of Ohio, 
Richard Vaux, of Pennsylvania, Henry Clay Dean, 
of Iowa, Lewis W. Ross, of Illinois, Eben F. Pillsbury, 
of Maine, E. S. Cleveland and James F. Babcock, of 
Connecticut, Charles Levi Woodbury, Augustus O. 
Brewster, Patrick A. Collins, James K. Tarbox, and 
John E. Fitzgerald, of Massachusetts. Assisting these 
were all the local Democratic speakers who could be 
mustered into service. Democratic meetings were 
largely attended and Democratic enthusiasm reached 
the higjaest pitch. There was hardly a hamlet in the 
State that did not have its political rally, some of the 
smaller localities being visited by speakers of national 
reputation, and meetings were held out-doors when 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 209 

halls were not large enough to hold the people as- 
sembled. 

Rollins always regarded this as his hardest cam- 
paign, and he frequently referred to it as his most 
successful one. The Republicans of the State were 
alarmed at the activity of the Democrats and continued 
apprehensive of the result until the votes were counted. 
None saw more clearly than Rollins the magnitude of 
the contest and its bearing upon the subsequent Pres- 
idential campaign. The Republicans of New Hamp- 
shire had been so universally successful that it was 
somewhat difficult to impress the Republican National 
committee with the danger of their defeat. There was 
none too good feeling among the Republican leaders 
of the State. Rollins, Chandler, and Ordway led and 
controlled the Republican organization. Opposition 
to their control was growing. If suppressed in the 
midst of this campaign, it was nevertheless smoldering 
to break out in force later. Chandler and Ordway 
were relied upon by Rollins to present the importance 
and magnitude of the contest to the national leaders, 
and the work these two performed contributed greatly 
to Republican success.! 

In the midst of the canvass, the impeachment of 
Andrew Johnson by the Republican majority in Con- 
gress occurred. What its effect would be upon the New 
Hampshire election no one could foretell. Of its em- 
barrassments Chandler writes Rollins under February 
23, 1868, as follows: 

" Of course this impeachment business has discour- 



210 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

aged everything. The Republicans of the House are 
unanimous for it and will so vote to-morrow. I sup- 
pose I have not changed my mind as to its expediency. 
We exchange, by embarking on an unknown sea, a cer- 
tainty for an uncertainty. I hope for the best and, if 
it can be done at once, it may not destroy us. If the 
work lingers, we are gone, provided the enemy is wise 
enough to take advantage of our indiscretion. It will 
break up the arrangement of speakers from Congress, 
and our members will not start home so soon as other- 
wise. You must do the best you can. ... I don't 
suppose the impeachment project will effect you one 
way or another in New Plampshire, certainly not to 
hurt, I should think." 

Henry O. Kent, writing Rollins from Lancaster 
about this time, said : " The impeachment matter 
roused our people like the uprising of 1861. They 
are all sound here for Congi-ess." The impeachment 
trial probably did not effect one vote in ISTew Hamp- 
shire, the Republicans being enthusiastic in its sup- 
port, and the Democrats earnest in defence of x\ndrew 
Johnson, who was now recognized as in thorough ac- 
cord with their party. It was, however, the source 
of the greatest embarrassment to Rollins in conduct- 
ing the campaign. The Dem.ocrats were making an 
aggressive canvass, holding meetings everywhere in the 
State and putting forward their ablest stump-speakers. 
Republican demands for meetings poured in upon the 
State committee, and Rollins in turn invited and im- 
plored, personally, and through Chandler and Ordway, 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 211 

leading Republicans of the country to come to bis 
assistance. Tbe difficulty in obtaining speakers is ex- 
plained by a letter of Ordway to Rollins. He says: 
" I have labored, coaxed, and prayed to induce the 
members to keep their appointments and leave to-night, 
not wholly without effect. The articles of impeach- 
ment are being discussed and each man wants to make 
a speech. The managers on the part of the House are 
to be elected to-morrow or Monday, and all want to 
be here to vote for their friends. I cannot do more 
than I have done, yet all seem to fail. I don't dare 
leave the Speaker. Don't think it safe for me to do so 
until after the articles of impeachment are disposed 
of, as the discussion is very exciting at times. The 
Capitol has been double-guarded at night, and double- 
locked from bottom to top. I know what a bad fix it 
places you in to have these members disappoint you, 
but I have done all in my power to have it otherwise." 
In spite of these disappointments, Rollins was able 
to put into the field a corps of speakers equal in na- 
tional fame to those sent out by the Democrats. These 
were Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, William B. Allison, 
of Iowa, Horace Maynard, James Mullins, and Will- 
iam B. Stokes, of Tennessee, Daniel E. Sickles and 
John Cochrane, of ISTew York, James W. ISTye, of Ne- 
vada, John A. J. Cresswell and John L. Thompson, of 
Maryland, Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut, Henry 
Wilson, of Massachusetts, Governor Austin Blair, of 
Michigan, Governor George S. Woods, of Oregon, T. 
M. Hite and George W. Anderson, of Missouri, Tgna- 



212 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tius Donnelly, of Minnesota, William Williams and 
Henry D. Washburn, of Indiana, John C. Caldwell, of 
Maine, Jolm Covode, of Pennsylvania, and George 
G. Gorham, of California. 

Both sides put forth their greatest efforts to bring 
home absent voters and to get all voters to the polls. 
Senator Cragin wrote Rollins from Washington : " I 
am digging up all the votes from here and many will 
go. I start two from Virginia. I am noAv going 
through the Interior Department and I shall get some 
there." Ordway wrote : " I have helped on the ex- 
penses of some clerks who are willing to go home to 
vote and I am willing to aid others who cannot go 
without aid." 

There were no laggards on either side in this cam- 
paign. Whatever position a man occupied, he stood 
ready to do his part. A letter to Rollins from Judge 
Charles Doe, who, in later life, affected an indiffer- 
ence to all political matters, shows the intense indi- 
vidual interest. He says : " I send by express a quan- 
tity of Walter Harriman's speeches on the negro ques- 
tion and a slip on impeachment. We are using these 
with capital effect in this part of the State, sending 
them around to every store and house. Please send 
them to different towns for distribution and charge 
the expense to me. This is a part of my contribution 
to the cause." 

February 25, 1868, Ordway wrote to Rollins: "I 
went to see Edwin M. Stanton last night, found him 
in possession of the War Department and in good 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 213 

spirits. He said to me, ' Tell Rollins we rely on him 
to carry the State.' " As the campaign progressed, the 
Democrats became very sanguine of victory. Rollins 
published his canvass of the State a short time before 
election, showing a comfortable majority for the Re- 
publicans. To this challenge Marshall, chairman of 
the Democratic committee, replied by publishing his 
canvass. Rollins gave 2,891 doubtful votes and Mar- 
shall 2,506. Each divided the doubtful equally be- 
tween the parties. Including the doubtful thus di- 
vided, the two canvasses are shown below. ^ 

The Manchester' Min-or says of the Republican can- 
vass : " The canvass was returned March 1st, and the 
excess of Democratic votes over the canvass is owing 
to the naturalization of six hundred foreigners between 
that time and election." 

The feelings of Republicans throughout the country 
when the news of the New Hampshire election was re- 
ceived is expressed by the Boston Ti^anscript editorially 
in referring to the result. That newspaper said : " The 
Republicans of the Granite State achieved the most 



1 Harriman .... 
Sinclair 


tOLLINS S 

39,883 
36,648 


MAF 


tSHALL'S 

34,462 
37,336 


Total Vote 


76,631 


71,798 


ACTUAL 


VOTE 






Harrimau 
Sinclair . 




39,771 
37,241 




Total vote 


77,012 





214 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

remarkable victory it was ever their good fortune to 
w^in. By common consent, as it were, throughout the 
country JSTew Hampshire has been selected as a battle- 
ground by the two parties for the purpose of testing 
the popularity of General Grant and ascertaining 
whether his strength with the people has been materi- 
ally affected by the present aspect of national affairs. 
For the past three or four years the New Hampshire 
Democrats have been beaten by their opponents only 
through the exercise of the ihost unremitting vigilance 
and by systematic efforts that have made the Republi- 
can canvasses of the State historical. This year the 
Republicans labored under disadvantages and were 
met by obstacles absolutely sufficient to discourage any 
set of men but those who have continued for many 
years to uphold the banner of Republicanism against 
odds such as are not encountered by Republicans else- 
where." 

After complimenting the speakers, the Transcript 
says : " But it was not the public speaking that did 
the most of the work. Every Republican in 'New 
Hampshire talked and exerted himself as though the 
destinies of the State rested upon his shoulders. Their 
efforts were rendered effective to the utmost degree by 
an organization so complete as to comprise almost 
every voter in the State. The thoroughness of their 
organization enabled the Republican State committee 
at Concord to know all the weak points along the line 
and strengthen them, and a large measure of its suc- 
cess is due to the committee, at the head of which 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 215 

stands that celebrated organizer of political campaigns, 
Edward H. Rollins." 

After election, the Democratic Patriot said : " The 
Democrats confidently expected to reduce the Republi- 
can majority to a small figure and hoped to win. The 
Republicans feared defeat and hoped only to escape 
by ' the skin of their teeth.' To say that we are dis- 
appointed, that our friends are disappointed, does not 
begin to express their feelings. They feel the result 
to be a just cause for sadness and grave apprehension 
on the part of all true friends of constitutional govern- 
ment." 

The Democrats polled in this election the largest 
vote they had ever polled by nearly five thousand. 
The Republican victory was rendered more significant 
by the fact that in the Connecticut election, April fol- 
lowing, the Democrats triumphed by an increased 
majority over the previous year. 

The election of delegates to the national convention 
was the next consideration of the Republican party of 
"New Hampshire. The State convention met May 5, 
1868, for this purpose. Rollins called the convention 
to order and Mason W. Tappan presided. The previ- 
ous State convention having declared for General 
Grant as the Republican candidate for President, the 
action of this convention was merely a formal ratifica- 
tion of the well-known views of the Republicans of the 
State. The delegates at large who were selected were 
William E. Chandler, of Concord, Elijah M. Topliff, 
of Manchester, Charles S. Faulkner, of Keene, and 



216 LIFE OF EDWAUD H. ROLLINS 

John H. Bailey, of Portsmouth. Those chosen from 
the districts were John E. Bickford, of Dover, and 
Ezra Gould, of Sandwich, from the first district, James 
F. Briggs, of Hillsborough, and Francis B. Ayer, of 
Nashua, from the second, and Edward A. Vaughan, 
of Claremont, and Thomas P. Cheney, of Ashland. 

After the nomination of Grant and Colfax, a ratifi- 
cation meeting occurred in Concord which Avas ad- 
dressed by Rollins, Harriman, Tappan, Fogg, and 
others. 

The Maine election in September was an indication 
of the drift of the political tide, which was confirmed 
by the October elections following. There was, there- 
fore, no incentive for the New Hampshire Democrats 
to make a contest for the choice of electors. Their ,cain- 
paign was not aggressive, and the Republicans were 
not called upon to repeat their exertions of the spring 
before. Little speaking occurred on either side. Rol- 
lins, as chairaian of the State committee, was desirous 
of rolling up a good majority, and his labors were bent 
upon getting out the Republican vote. In this he was 
successful, for the Republican majority exceeded seven 
thousand.^ 

As soon as the national election was over, prepara- 
tions were made for the spring campaign of 1869. It 
was settled that Onslow Stearns would be nominated 
as Governor Harriman's successor. To assure the pub- 

1 Grant 37,726 

Seymour 30,573 

7,153 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 217 

lie that the breach made in the party at the convention 
of 1867 was healed, Governor Harriman was invited 
to preside at the convention, and accepted. The con- 
vention met January 7, 1869. The nomination of 
Onslow Stearns was made by acclamation. The State 
committee met immediately after the convention ad- 
journed, and organized by the choice of Rollins as 
chairman, and Wyman Pattee, of Enfield, as secretary. 
The reelection of Rollins as chairman was greeted by 
the Nashua Telegrdph, of which Orrin C. Moore had 
recently become the editor, as an assurance of victory, 
and Rollins was complimented for his work as chair- 
man of the State committee. 

In the spring of 1869, Rollins was elected assistant 
treasurer of the Union Pacific Railroad, and secretary 
of the board of directors. This position he owed to his 
acquaintance with Oakes Ames, with whom he had 
served in Congress. After his retirement from Con- 
gress, he had become identified with the interests of 
the Union Pacific Railroad, and had been an agent of 
the road in looking after its affairs in Washington. 
The Union Pacific, being a land grant railroad, had 
large dealings with the departments at Washington, 
and was the subject of more or less inquiry by Con- 
gress. Its interests had constantly to be watched and 
its side of controversies to be presented to committees 
of Congress and to departments, a work for which Rol- 
lins was especially fitted. His knowledge of the rou- 
tine of the departments and of parliamentary pro- 
ceedings, his large acquaintance with public men and 



218 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the persistence with which he followed matters placed 
in his charge, made him a valuable representative of the 
road and led to his election, first, as assistant treasurer, 
and later, as treasurer of this corporation. The Union 
Pacific Road was under suspicion and fire at this time, 
and scandals later developed in connection with its 
mianagement. With these scandals Rollins had no 
connection, but his employment by the road, first as 
its agent and later as one of its officers, made him vul- 
nerable to attack, and his enemies and rivals in Xew 
Hampshire were not slow in improving the opportunity 
thus afforded. 

To the complimentary notice given Rollins by Orrin 
C. Moore in the Nashua Telegraph, I George G. Fogg 
referred sneeringly in the Monitor and Independent 
Democrat, making light of Rollins's ability as a polit- 
ical organizer, and saying that Rollins's connection with 
the Union Pacific Railroad unfitted him for chairman 
of the State committee. Pogg followed up this attack 
upon Rollins by further attacks upon him and upon 
Chandler and Ordway, denouncing them with all the 
bitterness of which he was capable. Moreover, these 
attacks continued throughout the campaign. About 
this time, Rollins, Chandler, and Ordway secured an 
interest in the New Hampshire Statesman, and this 
newspaper became their weapon of defence. The war- 
fare thus begun by Fogg continued, becoming more 
and more vehement until the merging of the Statesman 
and the Independent Democrat into one paper in 1871 J 

Jacob H. Ela, Aaron P. Stevens, and Jacob Benton 



ROLLINS RESUMES THE CHAIRMANSHIP 219 

were all renominated for Congi'ess by acclamation, 
having served but one term. 

The Democratic State convention was held January 
20, 1869. Ira A. Eastman presided. Democratic sen- 
timent in the State was divided between John Bedel, of 
Bath, and Albert E. Hatch, of Portsmouth, for a can- 
didate for governor. Before the ballot was taken in 
the convention. Hatch's name was withdrawn, and 
Bedel received 392 votes out of 433 cast. 

Ellery A. Hibbard, of Laconia, was nominated for 
Congi'ess in the first district, Hosea W. Parker, of 
Claremont, in the third district, and Edward W. Har- 
rington, of Manchester, was renominated in the second 
district. Samuel B. Page, of Warren, was elected 
chairman of the State committee, and Henry H. Met- 
calf, of Concord, secretary. 

Page has had an interesting legislative career, repre- 
senting at different times the towns of Warren, Haver- 
hill, and Concord in the legislature. A fluent speaker, 
a skilled parliamentarian, well versed in the history of 
the State, he is without doubt the readiest debater the 
State has ever produced. His forte is in directing a 
parliamentary contest. For a number of sessions of 
the legislature he was an active leader of the Demo- 
cratic minority. 

Metcalf 's name has been associated with New Hamp- 
shire politics for more than a generation. After read- 
ing law he embarked in newspaper work, and for 
nearly forty years he has been an aggressive editorial 
writer. Honest but intense in his convictions, he has 



220 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

impartially distributed praise or criticism upon both 
friend and foe. His Democracy has known no shadow 
of turning, for at all times and in all circumstances he 
has stood forth preeminently as the exponent and de- 
fender of the principles of the Democratic party. Of 
late years through his membership in the Grange he has 
done much to promote the interests of New Hampshire. 
f The campaign of 1869 was more marked by signs of 
I impending trouble in the Republican party through 
the quaiTel of Fogg with Rollins, Chandler, and Ord- 
I way than by strenuous activities on the part of either 
State committee to carry the election. Whatever hopes 
\ the Democrats had of making gains in this election 
I were based upon Republican dissensions. The Repub- 
lican victory in the Presidential campaign of 1868 had 
been so pronounced that a Democratic triumph in the 
State was not probable. Besides this, a Republican 
national administration would be inaugurated just 
before the 'New Hampshire election in March, and 
this, with the assurance it gave of superseding John- 
son men in federal positions by Republicans, kept the 
latter in line for the election, however much they might 
afterward give countenance to Fogg's warfare upon 
the Republican leaders. The election resulted in the 
choice of Stearns as governor by more than thirty-five 
hundred majority, and the election of all the Repub- 
lican candidates for Congress. The legislature was 
also Republican by a good majority. J The vote for 
governor was as follows : Scattering, 42 ; John Bedel, 
32,057 ; Onslow Stearns, 35,772. 



CHAPTEK XIII. 

HOSTILITY TO THE OKGANIZATION 

There were early signs that the campaign of 1870 
would be troublesome to the Republicans. The causes 
of apprehension were numerous. There was pro- 
nounced dissatisfaction with the administration at 
Washington. The attacks upon President Grant from 
within the party, which culminated in the liberal 
Republican bolt of 1872, had begun. There were 
indications in ^ew Hampshire of Republican disloy- 
alty to the national administration. There were also 
dissensions in the Republican party of the State. 
There were Republicans who felt that they had not 
been sufficiently recognized, and attributed their fail- 
ure of recognition to the " machine," as those who 
guided the Republican organization were called. Rol- 
lins, Chandler, and Ordway, who for a decade had been 
acting together in party management and in the dis- 
tribution of patronage, were, in the minds of the dis- 
satisfied, the " machine.''j Neither Rollins nor Chand- 
ler then held office, but Ordway was still sergeant-at- 
arms of the national House of Representatives, a posi- 
tion which gave him a large acquaintance with public 

221 



222 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

men and no inconsiderable political influence. Rol- 
lins, however, was chairman of the Republican State 
committee, and Chandler was secretary of the national 
committee. These party recognitions gave them pres- 
tige both in the State and in the country at large, while 
in the popular mind they were thought to exert a 
greater influence upon nominations and appointments 
in the State than they really did. Republicans whose 
ambitions met with disappointment attributed their 
failure to the machinations of these three men. 

George G. Fogg, editor of the Daily Monitor and 
WeeMy Independent Democrat, was openly attacking 
the Republican '' machine," giving expression in his 
newspapers to his personal enmity to Rollins, Chand- 
ler, and Ordway, while he encouraged the grievances 
of discontented Republicans. Fogg had been a free-soil 
Democrat. He had been elected Secretary of the State 
at the time John P. Hale was first sent to the United 
States Senate. He was a vigorous and aggressive 
writer, and as a newspaper editor did valiant service 
in the caUse of freedom. His trenchant pen contrib- 
uted to the overthrow of the Democratic party of the 
State, and in the contest for the abolition of slavery 
he was a power. With the success of the American 
party in 1855 he had been made law reporter of the 
State, a position he held until 1859, when he was suc- 
ceeded by William E. Chandler. The State printing, 
which even in those days was a tidy bit of patronage, 
went to his printing-office at various times after the 
Republican party came into power. In the campaign 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 223 

of 1860 he was secretary of the Republican national 
committee. When Lincoln was inaugurated President, 
further recognition was given to Fogg by his appoint- 
ment as minister to Switzerland, a position both hon- 
orable and lucrative. With the accession of Andrew 
Johnson to the Presidency, Fogg was removed. He 
felt that his removal was due to the influence of Chand- 
ler and the indifference of Rollins. Such, however, 
was not the case. The correspondence of Rollins and 
Chandler of that period shows that an earnest effort 
was made by Chandler, then Assistant Secretary of 
the Treasury, supported by Rollins, to secure the ap- 
pointment of Fogg as minister to Denmark, after it 
was ascertained that he could not remain in Switzer- 
land. Fogg was later appointed United States Senator 
to fill a vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Daniel 
Clark. He served in this position from August 31, 
1866, to March 4, 1867. This appointment was made 
within a year after his return from Switzerland. With 
Fogg's retirement from the Senate began his opposition 
to the management of the Republican party of ISTew 
Hampshire by Rollins, Chandler, and Ordway, an op- 
position which in 1870 had ripened into open hostility. 
Another troublesome feature of this campaign was 
the attitude of the extreme Prohibitionists of the State. 
They were dissatisfied with the enforcement of the pro- 
hibitory law and they charged the party in power with 
lack of sympathy with the law. At the previous session 
of the legislature they had demanded the passage of a 
State constabulary law, to provide a State police to 



224 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

enforce the prohibitory statute. This demand was 
granted on condition that it be approved by popular 
vote in ^November following. At a special election 
called for this pui"pose the law was beaten by a large 
majority. The disappointed Prohibitionists now de- 
manded the formation of a third party. At the head 
of this movement was the Rev. Dr. Lorenzo D. Bar- 
rows, a Methodist minister, who at that time was 
president of the Methodist school at Tilton. Doctor 
Barrows occupied a similar position in ]^ew Hamp- 
shire in regard to prohibition to that held by the Rev. 
Dr. Alonzo A. Miner in Massachusetts. In many ways 
there was a strong resemblance between these two men. 
Both were self-educated, and both were at the head of 
educational institutions. Both were men of uncom- 
promising natures, and ready at all times to lead a 
forlorn hope in defence of the principles they espoused. 
Both had been earnest advocates of the abolition of 
slavery. 

A call for a convention to meet at Concord, January 
11, 18Y0, to consider the question of the formation 
of a Prohibitory party was issued. At the election in 
March, 1869, Governor Stearns had been chosen by a 
majority of about 3,700, with only 42 independent 
and scattering votes, out of a total vote of 67,829. 
Yet, a third party movement at this time menaced 
Republican success, especially as another call for an 
independent political convention had been issued in 
behalf of the labor reformers to meet the last of the 
month. The energies of the Republican leaders were, 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 226 

therefore, directed to heading off any third party or- 
ganization. In this work they were aided by many 
friends of the prohibitory law, who believed that a 
third party would contribute to the success of the Dem- 
ocrats, who were known to favor the repeal of the law. 
The convention from start to finish showed two 
determined factions — one to force a separate nom- 
ination for governor, and the other, to question the 
wisdom of such a course. ISTearly all the delegates 
were Eepublicans. The third party Prohibitionists 
won by a large majority with Doctor Barrows as their 
standard-bearer. About a third of the delegates* with- 
drew from the convention and, holding a conference in 
another place, declared their opposition to a third ticket 
at this time. 

The labor reformers' convention met at Concord, 
January 28, 1870. This movement had gained some 
headway in Massachusetts the fall before, the party 
there polling several thousand votes. Several of the 
Massachusetts reformers had been doing missionary 
work in ISTew Hampshire since the Massachusetts elec- 
tion. The narrow margin of Republican ascendency in 
New Hampshire gave promise that a new party might 
hold the balance of power ajid perhaps produce a polit- 
ical upheaval in the State. The jealousies of the Repub- 
lican leaders were known, and the State seemed a good 
field for the formation of an independent political 
party. Engaged in the enterprise were some disaf- 
fected Republicans, but the larger number of the pro- 
moters were Democrats. Both of the old party leaders 



226 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

were apprehensive of the movement and the party 
newspapers referred to it gingerly. The Republicans 
made some effort to control the convention, but in this 
they were unsuccessful. 

The leading delegates of Republican antecedents 
were John H. Goodale, of JSTorthfield, Andrew J. Fogg, 
of Concord, and Samuel Flint, of Lyme. Goodale was 
a writer and lecturer of some repute, a man of pleasant 
address, with much capacity as an organizer. He was 
undoubtedly the directing force of the movement, al- 
though not prominent in its preliminary work. Fogg 
was a newspaper wi'iter with a penchant for statistics, 
and later compiling a gazetteer of I^ew Hampshire. 
Flint Avas a farmer, with a leaning to soft money prin- 
ciples, who had come before the public as a declaimer 
against bondholders. 

After organization an informal ballot was taken for 
a candidate for governor, which showed an almost equal 
vote for Samuel Flint, of Lyme, and James A. Weston, 
of Manchester. The latter had been reelected a second 
time mayor of Manchester by the Democrats. Before 
the formal ballot was taken, Goodale warned the con- 
vention not to take their candidate from a minority 
party if they hoped for success. Heeding this warn- 
ing, the convention nominated Flint, and adopted a 
platforai of principles. 

The Republican and Democratic conventions had 
already met and nominated their candidates. At the 
Republican convention, Governor Stearns, who had 
made a very acceptable chief magistrate, was renom- 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 227 

inated bj acclamation. The Democratic convention 
renominated John Bedel, of Bath. The Democratic 
party at this time was divided into two factions strug- 
gling for control of the organization. John 11. Pear- 
son, a wealthy merchant of Concord, who was a man of 
indomitable will, had broken with the leaders of the 
party after his defeat for State Senator in 1868, and 
had established a newspaper at the capital called The 
People. His slogan was anti-monopoly, and he soon 
acquired an extensive following in the State. Affiliated 
with Pearson were Edmund Burke, of Xewport, Harry 
Bingham, of Littleton, and other leading Democrats 
who were hostile to the leadership of John H. George, 
Josiah Minot, John M. Hill, and William Butterfield; 
the latter disciples of Franklin Pierce and his succes- 
sors in the control and leadership of the party. A 
climax in this struggle for control was reached later 
in the campaign and contributed materially to the 
reelection of Governor Stearns by the people. 

At an early meeting of the Republican State com- 
mittee for organization, Rollins declined to be a can- 
didate for reelection as chairman. The hostility of 
George G. Fogg to the triumvirate of Rollins, Chand- 
ler, and Ordway led him to take this step, in which 
he was supported by both Chandler and Ordway, who 
felt as he did, that Fogg and his followers should be 
given no excuse for not heartily supporting the ticket. 
The committee refused to consider his declination, and 
on the motion of one who had previously opposed his 
continuing at the head of the organization he was 



228 LIFE OF EDWABD H. ROLLINS 

unanimously reelected. The present peril of the party 
was dwelt upon by members of the committee and Kol- 
lins was urged to sink all personal considerations and 
stand by the ship. Reluctantly he took the matter under 
consideration pending a later meeting of the commit- 
tee. He then wrote Chandler as follows: 

'' I am forced to believe that we have leading men 
who would welcome defeat rather than success under 
present circumstances. For the cause I am willing 
to make any sacrifice necessary. I have no aspirations 
in the way of duty. I can easily clear the track and 
let other ambitious men have the field if that will help 
the cause and assure our success. At any rate I desire 
and intend to be relieved of the chairmanship so that 
the great leaders may feel at liberty to do something 
to help the cause." 

At the second meeting of the committee early in 
February, he again tendered his resignation, and was 
met with the same objections that the peril of the party 
did not permit it. He was, therefore, persuaded to 
accept. Writing immediately to Chandler, he said : 

" We have had our State committee meeting and 1 
am still chairman. I read your telegram and also 
Ordway's, and wanted very much to resign, but could 
not find a single member, friend or foe, who would 
consent. I may have made a mistake in remaining, 
but have listened to the advice of friends who are very 
anxious about the result in the State. I did not want 
to do anything that would look like deserting them or 
the ship, and you and Ordway must make the best of 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 229 

my blunder, if I have made one, and do all in your 
power to help us through. . . . We had a full meeting 
and many of our folks are somewhat alarmed about the 
Labor Reform movement. I hope we can head it off. 
The Labor League is at work. It organized in this 
city to-night." 

To this letter Chandler replied three days later, as 
follows : 

" Yours of the 5th inst. is at hand. On the whole, 
you probably did right in remaining chairman. If you 
had resigned immediately after you were unanimously 
elected it would have been better. You could have 
done just as much work in the campaign for yourself 
and the cause, without increasing those confounded 
jealousies and continuing an impression that it is nec- 
essary to your influence in the politics of 'New Hamp- 
shire that you should remain chairman of the commit- 
tee. As it stands now, it is useless to expect certain 
men to give you any credit if the State is carried, while 
any mishap that takes place will be charged to your 
account, but you are in it and must go through." 

Aft a later date, when Rollins did retire from the 
chairmanship of the State committee, and assisted 
others to guide the party to victory, he increased his 
prestige and following in the State. As Chandler pre- 
dicted, he gained no credit from his enemies for his 
work in this campaign after the victory was won. 
Whether in this particular campaign his work would 
have been as effective, had he been at headquarters 
without oflficial recognition, it is difficult at this time 



230 LIFE or EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

to say. There existed a confidence among the rank 
and file of the party in Rollins's management, which 
no other chairman could have inspired, and, with the 
exception of Fogg, even his enemies and rivals were 
free to admit this. 

The problem which confronted Rollins at that time 
is always a difficult one for any individual to solve. It 
comes home occasionally to every political leader, even 
though his leadership comprises only a small commu- 
nity. Rollins could hardly be unconscious of his supe- 
rior equipment for the post of chairman, for his friends 
and admirers were constantly asserting it and his en- 
emies conceding it. Whatever a regard for his own 
future might dictate, his love of the party and the ap- 
peals of party men to him to stand by the organization 
for just one more campaign overcame his scruples. He 
knew the jealousies his acceptance would provoke, but 
he doubtless thought that his successful leadership 
would neutralize these with the people of the State. 
It was understood that he would be a candidate for the 
United States Senate before the legislature to be chosen, 
but there is nothing in his correspondence to show that 
he broached his ambition to any one until after the 
election. That Rollins used his position as- chairman 
of the State committee to advance his Senatorial am- 
bitions is refuted by all those who were ever intimately 
associated with him at party headquarters, but his 
rivals honestly thought that he did, and they knew 
that there is a distinct advantage to any Senatorial 
aspirant in being brought into immediate association 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 231 

with candidates for the legislature during the cam- 
paign, as must necessarily be the case with the chair- 
man of the committee. Charles H. Roberts, who was 
for several years associated with Rollins as secretary 
or treasurer of the committee, says : " Rollins was one 
of the most unselfish political leaders I ever knew. He 
fought campaigns for the whole party until the battle 
was won." 

John Kimball, of Concord, who was treasurer 
of the State committee for many years, and Daniel 
Hall, who was chairman at a later period, speak in the 
same vein of Rollins's fairness in conducting political 
campaigns. 

James A. Wood, for thirty years an active member 
of the State committee, and for several campaigns a 
member of the executive committee, says that Rollins 
disregarded all personal considerations while leading 
the Republican forces. 

In the same tenor both Senator Jacob H. Gallinger 
and Congressman Frank D. Currier, who were asso- 
ciated with Rollins in the campaign of 1882, bear wit- 
ness to his sinking all personal ambitions when a 
campaign was in progress. 

In this very campaign of 18Y0 Rollins wrote Will- 
iam E. Waterhouse, of Barrington, as follows : " Don't 
trouble yourself about the election of a United States 
Senator. That will settle itself after the election, but 
do make sure to send us two good, true-blue Republi- 
can Representatives, as that is the important matter in 
the present crisis of our political affairs." 



232 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Senator Cragin, who was a candidate for reelection 
as United States Senator, writing Rollins, February 
10, 1870, about the election and the importance of 
securing Republican representatives in the close towns, 
said : "I know you will do your whole duty and I wish 
I could say as much of all our friends." Later he 
wrote Rollins : " I am glad you did not resign as chair- 
man. It would have been bad policy at this time. I 
am sure I appreciate your efficient and untiring 
labors." 

That all of Rollins's rivals could not take this gen- 
erous view of the situation is but natural. They ac- 
quiesced in his reelection as chairman because the 
party demanded it, but they probably gained as much 
by his acceptance in using it later against his can- 
didacy for the Senate, as he himself gained in the 
estimation of the people when the victory was won and 
they realized that he was instrumental in winning it. 

Fogg made a direct and bitter attack in his news- 
papers upon Rollins after his election as chairman, 
asserting that it was the outcome of sharp practice and 
that Rollins's connection with the Union Pacific Rail- 
road unfitted him for leadership of the party. He also 
belittled Rollins's qualifications for the position. 
Strange to say, neither Democratic newspaper at the 
capital quotes or refers to this attack of Fogg, although 
it would have furnished campaign material for the 
Democratic party. 

The Republicans of ISTew Hampshire were further 
embarrassed in the beginning of the campaign by a 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 233 

speech in Congress made by Henry L. Dawes, of Massa- 
chusetts, then chairman of the appropriations commit- 
tee of the House, severely criticizing as extravagant 
the estimates of the departments for the coming fiscal 
year, and demanding rigid economy in the appropria- 
tions to be made. The Democrats hailed this speech 
as convincing evidence of shortcomings on the part of 
the national administration. It was published broad- 
cast over the State. It caused consternation among 
the Republicans and raised the hopes of the Democrats. 

The outlook for the Republicans was anything but 
propitious. If Rollins had sought personal vindication 
he had but to retire from the chainnanship of the State 
committee to see the party go to probable defeat. The 
rank and file, however, demanded his continuance at 
the head of the committee, and hostile or jealous 
ti-aders preferred to throw upon him the responsibility 
ge the campaign to assuming it themselves. 
anThe work before the State committee was to prevent 
s} \e' Republican accession to the Prohibition and 
to o'^sform parties, to ascertain what disaffection 
ex, harmonize differences, to secure active work 

fro i^>^blican leaders all over the State, and to 

cht. V' campaign from one of defence to one of 

agg: ^n. To this work Rollins gave attention with 
his accustomed foresight and energy. 

He wrote Congressman Dawes about the use the 
Democrats were making of his speech, and pointed out 
to him the necessity of his appearing in the State to 
answer the Democratic charges. Dawes responded that 



234 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

he would speak the last week of the campaign, and this 
fact was announced to offset the political capital the 
Democrats were accumulating. 

Well-known temperance Republicans were set to 
work to neutralize the efforts of the Prohibitionists. 
To counteract the Labor Reform movement Republican 
labor leagues Avere organized in manufacturing dis- 
tricts. Ostensibly, the work of organizing these leagues 
was in the hands of labor men, but the expense was 
borne bv the Republican State committee. Lysander 
H. Carroll, a friend of Rollins, was elected treasurer 
of the State League, and through him were made the 
disbursements bj the Republican State committee in 
its behalf. Thus the work was brought in touch with 
the direction of the chairman. All through the cam.- 
paign Fogg condemned the league as out of harmony 
with the principles of the Republican party, because c 
its secret work. He insinuated that it was organized 
the interest of some candidate for the United Stai. 
Senate, implying that it was a device to promote P^i, )f 
lins's aspirations. In spite of this back fire, the leagi'^^ 
served its pui*pose, and neutralized much of the work 
of the Labor Reform party leaders. 

The Labor Reform party started a campaign news- 
paper which was published at the printing-office of 
the Democratic People. Rollins emphasized this fact 
as proving the alliance of the Labor Reform and Demo- 
cratic parties. The Prohibitionists had a newspaper 
published at Tilton, the home of Doctor Barrows, and 
edited by him, but the canvass of this party awakened 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 235 

little public interest. It was conceded that the ticket 
would poll a thousand votes, which of itself would not 
be dangerous. If the Labor Reform party should 
secure any considerable number of Republican recruits 
the result would be extremely doubtful. 

Toward the close of the campaign the internal dis- 
sensions of the Democratic leaders cropped out in the 
attempt of the Pearson wing to transfer the Democratic 
vote from Bedel, the Democratic nominee for governor, 
to Flint, the Labor Reform candidate. There was no 
secret ballot at this time, and political parties printed 
their own ballots. The Democrats were confident that^ 
with four gubernatorial candidates in the field, there 
would be no election of governor by the people, and 
they were equally confident that the Democrats and 
Labor Refonncrs together would control the legisla- 
ture. The Democratic State committee was called to- 
gether about two weeks before the election, and, in 
anticipation of victory, the question of the division of 
spoils was considered. While no public action appears 
to have been taken, certain Democratic leaders assumed 
that, if a Lal>or Reforaier were elected governor, the 
Democrats would have the right to name the United 
States Senator to be chosen by the legislature. To 
make Flint a constitutional candidate before the legis- 
lature, he would have to be one of the two candidates 
having the highest popular vote. Thereupon, a large 
number of Democratic ballots were prepared with 
Flint's name at the head of the ticket. These were 
sent out to some of the towns. The facts were soon 



236 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

known at Kepublican headquarters and exploited in the 
newspapers. The campaign up to that time on the 
part of the Republicans had been a labored one, but 
Rollins immediately took the offensive and charged 
home to the Democrats that the Labor Reform move- 
ment was nothing but a Democratic conspiracy to at- 
tain power by false pretences. The Patriot and other 
old-line Democratic papers denounced the scheme and 
repudiated it. The chairman of the Democratic State 
committee made a quasi denial in behalf of the com- 
mittee, but the facts could not be disputed. The Dem- 
ocrats of the State were astounded at the exposure, but 
as usual were rallied to the polls. 

Congressman Dawes appeared the last week of the 
campaign and explained his position to the satisfaction 
of New Hampshire Republicans. The latter were now 
filled with confidence and Rollins gave out to the pub- 
lic, as usual, his canvass of the state in advance of 
election, to have it verified at the polls. Governor 
Stearns's majority was reduced from 3,700 the year 
before to 1,200 in a total vote only 600 larger. The 
Prohibition vote accounted for 1,135 of this reduction, 
and it therefore appeared that about 1,400 Republi- 
cans remained in the Labor Reform party to vote that 
ticket. The popular vote was: Scattering, 33; Lo- 
renzo D. Barrows, 1,135 ; Samuel Flint, 7,369 ; John 
Bedel, 25,058 ; Onslow Steams, 34,847. 

The Monitor, reviewing the result, said : " The re- 
sult of our late election has can-ied joy into Republican 
hearts all over the land and the more so that there was 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 237 

an almost universal apprehension of a different re- 
sult." 

The Statesmun said : " In considering the instru- 
mentalities that worked together to accomplish the 
glorious Republican triumph just achieved in this 
State, the active and well-directed efforts of Edward 
H. Rollins, the able chairman of the State committee, 
should be gratefully remembered." 

The Republican speakers in this campaign from 
other States were United States Senators James W. 
'Nje, of ISTevada, and Frederick A. Sawyer, of South 
Carolina, Congressman Henry L. Dawes, of Massa- 
chusetts, Thomas Fitch, of Nevada, Charles H. Van 
Wyck, of New York, and James B. Belford, of Col- 
orado, afterward a Representative in Congress from 
that State. 

The contest for the Senatorship opened soon after 
the election. The active candidates were Aaron H. 
Cragin, Edward H. Rollins, Aaron F. Stevens, and 
Mason W. Tappan. There was newspaper mention of 
Gibnan Marston, Frederick Smyth, Walter Harriman, 
and some others. Cragin had served two terms in Con- 
gress and was closing his first term in the Senate. His 
career in the national legislature, although not bril- 
liant, had been creditable. He had been an indus- 
trious and hard-working Senator, attentive to the 
wants of his constituents, and he had escaped enmity 
in the State. Accepting the contest for his position 
in good part he succeeded in keeping his rivals more 
friendly to him than they were to one another. Cragin 



238 UFE OF EDWARD H. KOL^I^« 

had done Ws share of ^"-^J^l^l^ !,;,„ ,,as the cry 

- ^'^^ ^^^^''t:^:Thtw::tL«gu«entof Koi- 

of " rotation m ottice. ^j^e question was 

lins and of the other ^'^^'^^^^^ ^,,,,, the Ex- 

.iseussed ^'"^> -— ^ :, X ^^.o,-. and the 

JV«sfc.«» Tekgrapl ad™'''*'"^ , ^„ ,ove that giving 
history of the State was r^^^l^ g,,,^ ;, addi- 
Cragin another ^^-^t'™""; f ™ 3, ,,as without preee- 
rion'to his two terms in he Hon e^ ^^ ^^^ ^ 

dent, and it -^^^^ ^J^^ had given his personal 
wonld defeat him. Bnt '-^''8 f jhe legislature 

attention to the election ^^ "^^ulfollowing. 
and had a strong and resonieeii t ^.^^ ^^^ 

Rollins was 1-— Pf '''j^;^ ,oad was not at that 
Union Pacific Kailroad. U" ^^^^ ^ide-spread 

time popular with .he^peop - .^^^.jy ,,Hh 

Wcion that Its du.eoywa ^^^^.^^^ .^ ^^^^ 

the government. It wa .^.^ „,„,papers, while 

and in the press. y°»^^ ^^^^^ „o opportunity to 

favoring -" ^^^'^'^^i:^, this road. KolUns 
keep alive the P e udKC g ^^^ ^^^^ ^^.^ , 

therefore, suffered in his c ^^^^^^^^.^ ^^.,„,h 

feeling; he -''"f *f ,^^ JleerfnUy given to hum 
Wd otherwise have be n ^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^,^^^^^1, 

His canvass appears to ha^e ^^ ^^^ ^^„, 

appeals to his fnen.ls in the S ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ ^^^. 

hLs-elect of the ^-^^'^.-Jt "o means early in 
didate for the Senate he was by 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 239 

announcing, for Daniel Hall, in a letter dated May 2d, 
writes him as follows : '^ You will admit that up to 
within a few weeks you have never announced your- 
self a candidate for the Senate." 

Toward the close of the canvass, Tappan developed 
a considerable following. Since his retirement from 
Congress, in 1861, he had been often mentioned for the 
Senatorship, but his easy-going disposition had led him 
to inactivity in politics. He was an able lawyer, and 
had a good practice. Large-hearted and generous, his 
emotions rather than his judgment controlled his 
political course. Even at this time he was suspected 
of discontent with the party by the radical Republican 
leaders of the State. Two years later this discontent 
led Tappan to support Horace Greeley for President. 
His ability none questioned, for he was welcomed back 
to the Republican party after the collapse of liberal 
Republicanism and made attorney-general of the State. 
He had, however, no turn for practical politics, and 
could neither organize nor direct his following. His 
unexpected strength as the legislature assembled 
alarmed the leaders and weakened Rollins's support, 
while it contributed to that of Cragin, whose Repub- 
licanism was unquestioned. 

That Rollins was stronger than the votes in the 
caucus showed is evident. Henry McFarland, of Con- 
cord, writing to him from Washington, May 20th, 
says : " I am glad you are setting iip your pins so well. 
Cheney (Thomas P.) is here. He admits that you are 
making a good battle and that, if Cragin is not chosen, 



240 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

you will be." McFarland was a neighbor and intimate 
friend of Eollins through life. For several years he 
was associated with Rollins in the Union Pacific Rail- 
road as his assistant and succeeded him as treasurer 
of that corporation. 

The Manchester Mirror's editorial notes from the 
capital after the legislature met give currency to 
McFarland's opinion as follows : " The Senatorship is 
still in abeyance. The partisans of Cragin, Rollins, 
and Stevens are most active, and present appearances 
indicate that the selection will be made from this trio. 
Rollins seems to be the first choice of many active, 
earnest men of the party, and is evidently the second 
choice of a large number of members, who will at first 
give their influence to Cragin and Stevens, or perhaps 
to Marston and Tappan. We can see no chance as yet 
for Marston, and, notwithstanding the conceded superi- 
ority of Tappan, intellectually, there are not many 
aspirants for official position on his recommendation." 

Chandler, who was in sympathy with Rollins's as- 
pirations, was not able to be present to assist him, and, 
while having the benefit of Chandler's counsel in cor- 
respondence, Rollins felt the lack of his personal par- 
ticipation. Ordway also hoped for Rollins's success, 
but was detained in Washington until after the legis- 
lature met. Kor did any newspaper directly advocate 
Rollins's election. What benefit he got from the press 
was indirect, through their championship of rotation. 

It was admitted that Cragin would lead on the first 
ballot, but how near he would come to a majority none 



HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION 241 

could tell. Many of his supporters were partial to 
Rollins. The combined strength of Cragin and Rollins 
represented the sterling Republicans of the State. Be- 
yond any personal preference, these Republicans were 
determined to elect as Senator what Rollins had earlier 
called a " true-blue Republican." Apprehension in 
the closing hours that the defeat of Cragin might be 
followed in the break-up of his strength by the election 
of Tappan settled the fate of Rollins and made 
Cragin's calling and election sure. Only two ballots 
were necessary.^ 

Rollins was disappointed not so much at defeat as at 
the showing he made in the caucus. His predictions 
in political campaigns had been prophetic, and he had 
encouraged his friends to believe that his chances of 
election as Senator were good. He himself thought 
so. Writing after election of his defeat, he said : " I 
stood a good chance until about twenty-four hours be- 
fore the caucus, and had about sixty votes, which would 
have given me the nomination after a few ballots, when 
all the influences combined to get up a panic which 
produced a result surprising to everybody." 





First Ballot 


Second Ballot 


1 Daniel Clark 


1 




Frederick Smyth 


3 




Nathaniel Gordon 


8 


5 


Mason W. Tappan 


21 


23 


Edward H. Rollins 


32 


21 


Aaron F. Stevens 


43 


46 


Aaron H. Craigin 


95 


109 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE REPUBLICAN PAETy's DEFEAT 

Governor Steakns:'s second administration gave 
general satisfaction. Xo State issue, unless it were 
temperance, appeared to trouble the Republican party, 
but the lack of cordiality among Republican leaders 
still continued. There were, however, local railroad 
troubles arising out of the contest for the control of 
the Concord Railroad, which did not strengthen the 
party in power. This contest went 1x) the courts and 
their action occasioned criticism. As all but one of the 
supreme court judges were Republicans, the majority 
party suffered from any dissatisfaction with the court's 
decision. This contest, however, did not play any 
prominent part in the subsequent election. In national 
politics, the opposition of leading Republicans of the 
country to President Grant's administration became 
more pronounced. In the fall of 1870 the liberal Re- 
publican movement had its birth in Missouri in a bolt 
of Republicans led by United States Senator Carl 
Schurz and B. Gratz Brown, which triumphed in that 
State by a coalition with the Democrats. The other 
State elections that fall gave encouragement to the 

242 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's DEFEAT 243 

Democratic party. The Monitor, Fogg's daily paper, 
December 29, 1870, said of the approaching Republi- 
can State convention: 

" Never since the organization of the Republican 
party did more importance attach to the selection of 
the very best and strongest candidate. Party obliga- 
tions have not hung so loosely upon the people for 
many years as at the present time. With not a few 
who have always hitherto voted the Republican ticket 
various moral questions have come to be regarded as 
of pressing if not paramount consequence. And it is 
demanded that these moral questions shall receive rec- 
ognition at the hands of the Republican party, not 
merely in the platform of "resolutions but in the selec- 
tion of candidates." 

One of the moral questions to which Fogg referred 
was that pertaining to temperance. Over eleven hun- 
dred voters, nearly all of them Republicans, had flocked 
to the standard of the Prohibitory party in the preced- 
ing election. If this party increased its vote. Republi- 
can ascendency in New Hampshire for a time at least 
was at an end. If these could be won back, there was 
less danger of Democratic success. The view of Fogg 
that not only the platform should be made to meet the 
wishes of these men, but that the candidate for gov- 
ernor should invite their support, had earnest cham- 
pions. In casting about for such a candidate, the Rev. 
James Pike, of South Newmarket, was the choice of 
many. He was then fifty-three years of age, a presid- 
ing elder in the New Hampshire Methodist Conference, 



244 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

and one of the leading Methodist clergymen of the 
State. He had been in Congress two terms with Mason 
W. Tappan and Aaron H. Cragin as colleagues, having 
been first elected by the American party in 1855. On 
his return from Washington, he had resumed his pas- 
toral duties. During the Civil War he was appointed 
colonel of the Sixteenth ISTew Hampshire Volunteers, 
and served with that regiment creditably during its 
enlistment of nine months. 

Interest in the Republican State convention held 
January 4, 1871, centred in the nomination for gov- 
ernor. There were many active candidates for this 
nomination. Pike was the leading candidate, while 
those who doubted the wisdom of his nomination 
divided their support principally among five prominent 
men of the State, with a few votes given to nine others. 
The first ballot was as follows : James Pike, of South 
Newmarket, 292 ; Horton D. Walker, of Portsmouth, 
99; Benjamin J. Cole, of Gilford, 74; Ezekiel A. 
Straw, of Manchester, 65 ; John M. Brackett, of Wolf- 
boro, 59 ; George W. Nesmith, of Franklin, 25 ; 
scattering, 32. 

This vote showed a majority of sixty-two against Mr. 
Pike's nomination. It was confidently believed by the 
party leaders that subsequent ballotings would result 
in the nomination of one of the other candidates. Be- 
fore a second ballot could be taken, however, a motion 
was made to nominate Pike by acclamation. It was 
carried in one of those critical moments of a conven- 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's DEFEAT 245 

tion when the leaders are off their guard and taken by 
surprise. 

The Prohibitory party met in convention and voted 
to make no nomination. The nomination of Pike by 
the Republicans satisfied the majority of the Prohibi- 
tion leaders of the sincerity of the Republican party 
in supporting prohibition. A minority of the con- 
vention, however, bolted its action and nominated a 
candidate for governor. For a time, the action of the 
Republican convention in nominating Mr. Pike seemed 
to be a politic move and one likely to restore the al- 
legiance of Prohibitionists to the Republican party. 

The Democrats nominated James A. Weston, whom 
they had three times elected mayor of Manchester. 
He was a civil engineer by profession, a man of busi- 
ness ability, respected by the community in which he 
resided, and enjoying its confidence. After his retire- 
ment from politics he engaged in banking. 

The Labor Reformers met in convention and for- 
mally put in nomination Lemuel E. Cooper, of Croy- 
don. Less interest was shown in this convention than 
the year before, as it was pretty generally understood 
that the party was simply an adjunct to the Democratic 
party. 

The Republican Congressional nominations were 
disappointing and did not promote harmony. The 
Statesman before the conventions expressed the opinion 
that " Republican success would be more fully assured 
by an entirely new Congressional ticket than by con- 
tinuing any present member upon it." This was ad- 



246 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

dressed largely to the voters of the second district where 
Aaron F. Stevens was a candidate for a third term. 
He was renominated after a hard contest. He had 
made enemies by his appointments. The cry of " ro- 
tation " was revived and threats of a bolt followed the 
convention that nominated him. 

In the first district William B. Small, of New- 
market, was selected after protracted balloting, defeat- 
ing Samuel M. Wheeler, of Dover, whom Kepublicans 
generally expected to be nominated. In the third dis- 
trict the choice fell upon Simon G. Griffin, of Keene. 
Griffin had been a gallant soldier in the Civil War, 
but the very qualities which made him an excellent 
officer in the field were not popular in civil life. 
Then there were local jealousies in the district which 
detracted from his support as a candidate. The can- 
didates of the Democratic party were EUery A. Ilib- 
bard, of Laconia, Samuel IST. Bell, of Manchester, and 
Hosea W. Parker, of Claremont, the first and last being 
renominated. 

The Republican State committee met immediately 
after the State convention for the purpose of organiza- 
tion. The story of this organization is best told in the 
correspondence of Rollins and Chandler. Writing 
Chandler January 5th, Rollins said: 

" We had a splendid convention. All were feeling 
pretty well, but very anxious. You will see that I was 
reelected chairman by a unanimous vote. I tried to 
have the matter postponed, but they insisted upon or- 
ganization. When elected, I positively declined and 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTl's DEFEAT 247 

gave my reasons at length and without excitement. I 
defined my position fully. We must have peace or 
I will have nothing to do with the matter. They would 
not accept my resignation, but I did not agree to serve. 
We are to have a meeting in about two weeks, and in 
the meantime Durkee & Company will see what they 
can do for peace. I told them frankly that I would 
no longer act as chairman without the cordial support 
of all Republicans and the press." 

To this letter Chandler replied January 7th, as fol- 
lows : " Yours of the 5th inst. is at hand. General 
Stevens returned last night and I had a full talk with 
him. He pretends to feel good-natured but is really 
very bitter toward you and our crowd, says that he 
declined to express any opinion in reference to the 
chainnanship of the committee, that the Republican 
party of the State evidently had more confidence in 
your ability than they would have in that of any one 
else, and that he believed you would intend to act in 
good faith and not promote any bolting in his district, 
although he could not be certain what you might not 
be drawn into if you got angry. 

'' He evidently wants you to remain chairman of 
the committee and help elect him, but he has not frank- 
ness enough to say so. He barely admits that you 
would probably not be a scoundrel in the place. He 
will hold you responsible for all the evil that results 
and give you no credit for success. 

" Of course I have my opinion as to what you should 
do under such circumstances. If I were in your place 



248 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

and had no well-founded political aspirations for the 
future in connection with New Hampshire, I would 
on no account be chairman of the committee for the 
precise reason suggested; you will be held responsible 
and condemned for every failure. You can get by no 
possibility any additional credit for any success. On 
any other ground than that you have future political 
expectations, it will be utter folly for you to take 
charge of and be responsible for the campaign. 

" But, if you have such expectations and think there 
is a reasonable chance for success in them, of course 
you may be willing to go forward, notwithstanding the 
objections to it which are so apparent. On this point 
I do not advise you. Stevens will, of course, hold you 
responsible for any bolting in Concord. 

" Of course the attempt of Durkee and others to 
make things better in Concord will amount to nothing. 
Fogg will simply refrain from attacking you during 
the campaign, which he probably would do anyhow. 
More than this he will not agree to." 

In addition to the jealousies occasioned by Rollins's 
remaining chairman, he knew that he could not give 
the time to the campaign its exigencies required. The 
Union Pacific Railroad was seeking legislation of Con- 
gress to relieve it of financial difficulties, and, as an 
officer of that corporation, his presence would be re- 
quired in Washington. It was the short session of 
Congress, and whatever was done must be done before 
the 4th of March. The second meeting of the State 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's DEFEAT 249 

committee, however, secured his acceptance of the 
chairmanship. 

It proved to be a quiet campaign. Fogg made no 
attack upon Rollins or any member of the " clique,"" 
and heartily supported the ticket, especially praising 
the nomination of Mr. Pike, saying: "The candidate 
agreed upon is the very best selection that could have 
been made." The Democrats attacked both the Repub- 
lican candidate for governor and the Republican plat- 
form, the former because of his early affiliation with 
the American or Know l^othing party, and the latter 
as a surrender to the Prohibitionists. There was gen- 
eral apathy among Republicans, Rollins was not at 
headquarters to watch the campaign and to checkmate 
the work of the bolting Republicans. There was little 
public speaking, and no effort made to arouse the party. 
The Republican party press predicted victory. It took 
no note of the indifference of the rank and file. The 
Democrats conducted a still hunt for votes with suc- 
cess, although trading openly with the Labor Reformers 
whenever this was advantageous. Toward the close 
of the campaign they became bolder and openly urged 
their voters to come to the polls in anticipation of 
victory. 

Affairs at Washington contributed to Democratic 
confidence. Mr. Motley, our minister to England, was 
removed by President Grant as a result of the Presi- 
dent's differences with Charles Sumner, and, just be- 
fore election day, Sumner himself was removed from 
the chairmanship of the committee on foreign rela- 



250 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tions by his Republican colleagues of the Senate for 
the same reason. This last act came as a shock to the 
party in ^ew England. 

The election returns were a surprise to the people 
of the State. The morning after election it was ap- 
parent that there was no choice of governor by the 
people, Weston leading Pike by nearly a thousand 
votes. All three Democratic candidates for Congress 
were elected, and the legislature was in doubt. Both 
sides claimed a majority of the House, on which de- 
pended the organization of the Senate, the control of 
the Council and the election of governor. The vote for 
governor was as follows : Scattering, 41 ; Albert G. 
Comings, 314 ; Lemuel P. Cooper, 782 ; James Pike, 
33,892 ; James A. Weston, 34,700. 

The Manchester Mirror ascribed Republican defeat 
to various causes, dragging temperance into the cam- 
paign, forcing the nomination of Pike against the 
judgment of a majority of the convention, ignoring the 
demand for rotation in office, the land-grabbing jobs 
of Congress, the San Domingo scheme, and the removal 
of Charles Sumner from the chaii-manship of the Sen- 
ate committee on foreign relations. 

The Statesman gave these same causes of defeat, and 
said : " Had all these causes of embarrassment been 
mthheld, we might have carried the State by nearly 
the usual majority in spite of demoralization produced 
in the party by forcing upon it unpopular nominations 
made in packed caucuses." 

This was the only campaign that the Republicans 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 's DEFEAT 251 

lost with which Rollins had direct connection. The 
explanation is given in his letter to Benjamin Gerrish, 
Jr., written when he was reorganizing the party £or 
the campaign of 1872. This letter is as follows: 

" In regard to the campaigTi of last spring, I must 
confess that I had but little to do with it, for I was 
in 'New Hampshire but three days before the election 
took place after the campaign commenced. The Pacific 
Railroad was having a terrific fight, a sort of life and 
death struggle in regard to the payment of interest on 
the bonds issued by the government to this company, 
and it was a matter of absolute necessity for me to be 
at Washington, and I remained until the 4th of March. 
We secured the legislation we needed in the very last 
day of the session of Congress, without which this con- 
cern would have been pretty much used up. You see, 
I was away from necessity and not from inclination. 
Had I been at home, I should have pitched into the 
fight as usual. Since I returned from Washington, I 
have devoted a very large amount of time to politics 
of our State, and feel confident we are getting into a 
satisfactory position and can carry the State at the 
next election. I am getting ready for just such a fight 
as we had in 1868, when you and I ran the machine." 

Upon the organization of the House of Representa- 
tives depended the outcome of the election. Both Re- 
publicans and Democrats claimed a majority in this 
branch of the Legislature, and both Republican and 
Democratic newspapers published lists giving the po- 
litical status of members elect. Several Labor Re- 



252 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

formers had been elected to the legislature, and some 
of these being of Republican antecedents were claimed 
hy. both parties. There were two or more instances 
where there was dispute as to the right of members 
elect to the certificate of election held by them, notably 
in Ward 6, Concord, where Samuel B. Page had been 
declared elected. There were, therefore, complications 
to keep the question in doubt until the members voted. 

Differences in the Republican ranks for the time 
being were laid aside ; the leaders generally cooper- 
ating in an attempt to save the legislature. The burden 
fell upon Rollins as chairman of the committee to mar- 
shal the Republican legislative forces. He threw him- 
self into this work, but he found the party leaders 
demoralized by the prospect of probable defeat. He 
at once entered into correspondence with the Repub- 
lican members of the legislature and appealed to prom- 
inent Republicans in all parts of the State to assist in 
the work. The following is a letter addressed by him 
to Republican members of the legislature. 

" I presume you agree with me that it is of vital 
importance to secure, first, the organization of the 
House of Representatives in June next, second, the 
election of Republican State officers, and third, the 
complete triumph of the Republican party at the next 
annual election. The accomplishment of the first two 
will render the latter more certain. 

" To this end are you willing to make extra effort 
during the current year to bring about these desirable 
results? If so, please make complete reply to the 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's DEFEAT 253 

circular of the State committee at Concord, and report 
to me in detail all the facts in jour possession having 
a bearing uj)on the organization of the House of 
Representatives. 

" We must take immediate steps to heal all local 
dissensions, thoroughly organize, firmly unite the 
party, and thus make preparation to sustain our 
members of the legislature and win the battle in March 
next." 

This was supplemented by other letters to members 
of the legislature and to prominent Republicans of the 
State urging activity and vigilance. Until the night 
preceding the meeting of the legislature, there was 
reasonable assurance that the Republicans would or- 
ganize the House. Then weakness on the part of 
some Republican leaders, together with the illness of 
two Republican Representatives, gave the Democrats 
the victory. William H. Gove, of Weare, the can- 
didate for Speaker of both the Labor Reform and the 
Democratic parties, was elected by two majority over 
James O. Adams, the Republican candidate. 

It was a memorable contest, the Democrats taking 
no chances of defeat. They numbered their ballots for 
Speaker, and on the back of each was the name of the 
Representative to vote it. In this way each member's 
vote could be accounted for. They had reliable party 
workers in charge of all doubtful men, who were re- 
sponsible for their appearance and votes. All through 
the session they held their following intact against 
Republican assault, though in the early days of the 



254 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

session, before they increased their majority in the 
House by unseating Republicans whose seats were 
contested, their Speaker had several times to vote on 
questions to give them a majority. 

The death of one of the Democratic Senators-elect 
before the meeting of the legislature deprived them of 
the fruits of their triumph. In filling the vacancy 
they were compelled to choose between his Republican 
competitor at the polls and a temperance Republican 
who received a few votes. They elected Alvah Smith, 
the temperance Republican, to this vacancy. With 
his vote they had a majority in a Senate of twelve 
members. He voted with the Democrats in the elec- 
tion of State officers, but, when it came to carrying out 
the Democratic programme for redistricting the State 
and removing Republican office-holders, he refused to 
act with them, nor could any persuasion or threat 
secure his su])port of this programme. The indigna- 
tion of the Democrats knew no bounds. They accused 
Senator Smith of violating his pledges to them and 
threatened to oust him from his seat in the Senate. 
Nothing, however, came of these threats. The session 
continued exciting throughout, and gave the Republi- 
cans material for campaign purposes which they used 
to advantage. At the final adjournment the two parties 
stood in battle-array for the next campaign, which was 
opened immediately. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 

Although the Democrats had secured but little 
material benefit from their control of the executive 
ofiice and one branch of the legislature, the prestige 
of victory was theirs, and they were buoyed up with 
confidence of success in the campaign of 1872. On 
the other hand, the Republicans were more or less 
demoralized by their defeat. They had gained some 
courage out of the discomfiture of their opponents in 
failing to control the legislature, but their dissensions 
and jealousies remained. There were plenty of leaders 
who could give explanations of the party's defeat, but 
few who had heart to suggest how this defeat might 
be retrieved. Rollins was one of the few who had con- 
fidence that the State could be redeemed, and he 
began the campaign of 1872 while the legislature of 
1871 was in session. He was now situated so that 
he could give time to political affairs, and he immedi- 
ately opened correspondence with Republicans in all 
parts of the State urging activity and organization of 
the party for the coming battle. While others were 
suggesting candidates for governor, he gave his atten- 

255 



256 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tion to the close towns, requesting immediate canvasses 
witli lists of wavering and doubtful Republicans. The 
treasury of the State committee was empty, and a 
committee of ten prominent Republicans was organized 
to raise funds to carry on this preliminary canvass. 

Any one who has had to do with political campaigns 
knows how difficult it is to secure contributions of 
money in advance of the formal opening of the cam- 
paign. When the excitement of the struggle is on, 
appeals for financial aid meet with response, but, with 
the contest months ahead, contributions are grudgingly 
given even by those most interested. Rollins' s plan of 
campaign embraced the placing in the hands of every 
young or wavering voter of the State a Republican 
newspaper, whose constant repetitions of the short- 
comings of the Democracy would shape this voter's 
thought in the right direction. He realized, as have 
all his successors in the chairmanship, that documents, 
speeches, and newspapers flooded upon a voter a few 
weeks or days before election are a waste of time and 
money, as most of them are thrown aside and never 
read. He knew that, if converts are to be made or back- 
sliders regained, it must be by constant evidence of 
the unfitness of the opposition 'o hold power. Yet 
plain as this proposition is now and was then, it re- 
quired repeated appeals to obtain even small sums for 
this purpose. 

From his railroad ofiice in Boston, Rollins carried 
on his political correspondence, and, as he himself fre- 
quently complained, he devoted more time to this work 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 257 

than to his railroad business. Nor was he always 
encouraged by the interest of Republicans in the cause. 
Not a few were indifferent. Some were disheartened, 
and here and there cropped out jealousy of his manage- 
ment of the party. With justifiable impatience he 
frequently offered to take his place in the ranks to 
allow the malcontents to pick out his successor as chair- 
man of the State committee. Writing Bainbridge 
Wadleigh, of Milford, afterward United States. Sen- 
ator, about this time, he said : 

" I regret that you were not present at our meeting 
last evening. I did not receive any report from you 
in regard to the articles of association. You were 
chairman of the committee to prepare them. Meeting 
adjourned until next Tuesday at 8 p. m., at Phenix 
Hotel. Hope you will make it a point to be present. 

" I find it necessary in order to keep things mov- 
ing to devote about half my time to the politics of New 
Hampshire. It is considerable of a bore. Have you 
found somebody to take my place yet? Do you think 
you had better take it ? You will find it a very pleasant 
position and your services will always be appreciated, 
particularly by the leading Republicans, more es- 
pecially those who do not wish to do any work them- 
selves and only growl at those who do labor." 

To this letter Wadleigh replied : " Dear Rollins : 
Yours of the 24th inst. came to hand last evening. I 
received no notice of the meeting on the 23 d, and was 
aware of none until I learned of it from your letter. 
I shall try to be present next Tuesday, though I have 



258 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

an engagement on that day which may possibly pre- 
vent me from going up, !Now, my dear Ned, I cannot 
allow you to mistake my position in reference to your- 
self. You seem to credit me with some hostility to 
you which does not exist. I am well aware of the debt 
of gratitude which we all owe you, and no man ever 
heard me say one word to depreciate it. But very evi- 
dently your services have produced jealousy, and I 
think that with your cooperation we can get a little 
more harmony with a new figure-head, and I think — I 
know — that you would be the stronger for it. As for 
my taking it, it is out of the question, even if I were 
wanted, which does not appear. It is not with any 
view to my own interests that I think as I do, because 
I feel that I have no better friend than yourself. I 
am well aware that in the next contest we shall need 
all the strength we can muster, and, as for myself, 
though I have had nothing and expect nothing from 
the party, I am willing to do all in my power to give 
it victory." 

Answering this letter, Rollins said : " Yours of the 
26th inst. is received and I note your remarks with 
reference to the last meeting. A notice -was sent you 
by mail and I regret that you did not receive it. You 
mistake me in supposing that I regard you as anything 
but a sincere friend. I have always believed you to 
be such and have no reason to change my views. What- 
ever you have said or now think about the ' figure- 
head,' I am sure you were and are prompted by the 
best of motives and look onlv to the welfare of the 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 259 

party. Still I think those gentlemen who agree with 
you in regard to the matter should present their man 
at once. Let us see that he is the proper man for the 
place. It is no use to talk about the change and still 
take no steps to secure the services of some proper man 
to take my place, I shall be delighted to be relieved 
from the burden and care of the campaign and should 
like to have the change made at once, for a gi-eat share 
of the hard labor will have to be performed before the 
meeting of the State convention, unless that is held 
very soon. Hoping to see you this evening, and hear 
from you as often as convenient, I remain," etc. 

JSTo one appeared voluntarily to take up the burden 
of the chairmanship of the State committee, and no 
one was suggested by those who criticized Rollins's con- 
trol of the organization. With the exception of these 
outbursts of impatience at the indifference of the 
leaders and the personal criticism of himself, Rollins's 
correspondence indicates an optimism which finally 
stimulated the Republicans of the State to make a 
winning fight. With his usual grasp of details, he 
had the campaign fully mapped out and the local 
leaders at work before the State convention was held. 
After the nomination of governor, it was only necessary 
to push the campaign to a successful issue. 

Another difficulty besetting the Republicans was the 
lack of a party newspaper at the capital which should 
represent the whole party and not a faction. George 
G. Fogg still controlled the columns of the Independent 
Democrat and the Daily Monifor. In these journals 



260 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

he continued to criticize the management of the party. 
The sparring between him and the editors of the New 
Hampshire Statesman delighted the enemy and dis- 
couraged Republicans. It was necessary to success 
that harmony should prevail, and Kollins set on foot 
a movement to purchase both newspaper plants and 
consolidate them. Frequent meetings were held for 
this purpose, first to secure the consent of the propri- 
etors to sell, and, second, to secure subscribers for the 
capital stock of the consolidated plant. The former 
was no easy task. The latter proved to be an under- 
taking which called for the utmost patience and per- 
sistency. The stock was to be distributed in small 
blocks in different parts of the State, so that no in- 
dividual or section would control the management. 
The purchase and consolidation took place in October, 
1871, but the stock was not fully subscribed until some 
weeks later. Probably no one rendered more efficient 
service in this work than Person C. Cheney, of Man- 
chester. 

Nothing better illustrates Rollins's subordination of 
personal feelings to the good of the cause than his 
kindly reception of a suggestion that Fogg be made 
editor of the consolidated newspapers. On this point 
he wrote Daniel Hall : " If Fogg would put on the 
party harness and work with the spirit he manifested 
in olden times, he would undoubtedly be the best man 
we could have, and I should be in favor of securing 
his services. He has ability and perhaps could aid in 



THE REPUBLICAN PAUTY REORGANIZED 261 

bringing back into the fold some of the sheep who 
have strayed away under his leadership." 

Rollins also wrote to other leaders suggesting that 
the proposition was worthy of consideration, with the 
result that Fogg became the political editor of the con- 
solidated newspapers, a position he held until the next 
summer. 

The Republican State committee met November 22, 
1871, to fix the time for holding the State and other 
conventions. This meeting was largely attended by 
its members and by prominent men of the party. Rol- 
lins was now able to lay before them the result of his 
labors during the summer and fall and to show them 
that Avith united effort the party could regain control 
of the State. In December, the Rev. James Pike, in 
an open letter, declined to be again a candidate for 
governor, thus relieving the party of any embarrass- 
ment which might arise from passing him over. The 
party was encouraged by several municipal elections 
which occurred this month. Dover and Portsmouth 
were carried by the Republicans with their usual ma- 
jorities, while Manchester, which had for three years 
elected James A. Weston mayor, now chose Person C. 
Cheney his successor by several hundred majority. 

The Republican State convention met at Concord, 
January 3, 1872. Rollins, as chairman of the State 
committee, opened the convention with a speech full 
of vigor and confidence. He said: 

" You have assembled as representatives of the Re- 
publican party under very extraordinary circum- 



262 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

stances. We liave a Democratic governor. Our action 
to-day will, I am confident, be so satisfactory to our 
party and to the people that Governor Weston will be 
the last of his tribe. We have beaten the enemy in 
twenty successive well-contested campaigns, but, at the 
last election, he achieved a partial success, this not (^n 
account of any regard the people have for modern 
Democracy, or its conduct during the war, or love for 
copperhead principles, but rather by reason of local 
troubles, disaffections, and unusual apathy in our own 
ranks. We were in fact beaten by ourselves. One 
experiment of this kind is sufficient. . . . The 
experience of the past year has taught us a lesson 
which we shall not speedily forget. We know now 
that there must be harmony in our ranks, life and 
activity in our organizaton, vigor and discretion in our 
action, and wisdom in our counsels to render success 
certain. I have given much attention to political 
affairs since the last election, and I know that I utter 
but the truth when I say that the Republicans have 
determined in compact irresistible columns to move 
upon the works of the enemy and redeem the State. 
We have not forgotten the more than thirty-nine thou- 
sand legal votes which we gave for the Republican 
candidate in 1868. We can, if we so resolve, repeat 
that memorable campaign." 

Only one ballot for governor was necessary. It re- 
sulted in the nomination of Ezekiel A. Straw, of Man- 
chester, his principal opponent being Horton D. 
Walker, of Portsmouth. Straw was the agent of the 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 263 

Anioskeag Corporation, of Manchester, and a man of 
large executive ability. Plis selection was the best that 
could have been made at that time, both on account of 
locality and his standing in the State. 

The State committee met immediately after the 
convention for the purpose of organization. In spite 
of all his labors and what he had accomplished in re- 
uniting the party, there was decided opposition on the 
part of some of the leaders to Rollins's continuing at 
the head of the committee. A United States Senator 
would be chosen by the legislature to be elected in 
March. This prospective prize was sufficient to arouse 
all the old jealousies of Rollins's leadership. At the 
committee meeting, he was accused "hj Mason W. Tap- 
pan of neglecting the party in the previous campaign. 
To this accusation he replied that, as the committee 
had refused to accept his resignation and forced the 
position upon him, he considered it unjust. This 
seemed to be the view of most of the committee, but 
without action an adjournment was taken for a 
week. 

This attack came as a surprise to most members of 
the State committee. It seemed for the time as if all 
of Rollins's work of reorganizing the party would go 
for naught. If the party was to be torn by dissensions 
at the very outset of the campaign, there was little 
prospect of success. If the Senatorial contest was to 
be precipitated in advance of the election, it was not 
impossible that the Democratic party would carry off 
this prize. Rollins's feelings are shown in letters to 



264 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

friends written between the time of the first and second 
meeting of the State committee. A sample of these 
letters is the following to William B. Small, of New- 
market, the defeated candidate for Congress in the 
first district at the previous election : '' Mj dear 
Small : — Your two letters of the 9th instant received. 
Many thanks for your kind and encouraging words. 
Be assured that at the first opportunity all your efforts 
will be appreciated by me in a manner that will be quite 
satisfactory to you. I confess that I was much morti- 
fied at the attack made upon me in view of my earnest 
efforts since the last election to place the Republican 
party in a position to win the victory in March. It was 
wicked to have such a scene in the State committee 
after the magnificent convention of the day. I think 
our enemies have made a mistake, for I am satisfied 
from information received that the feeling of the Re- 
publicans is strongly in the right direction, and will 
manifest itself on Friday next. 

" Patterson and his friends have been busy for a 
month trying to work up this case, but I was surprised 
to see Tappan, Stevens, and O. C. Moore in it. They 
have made a gi'eat mistake and it will react upon them. 
I understand that Patterson's friends are beginning to 
hedge by declaring that he was never in favor of the 
change. The result will be entirely satisfactory to me, 
although the ordeal is not a pleasant one. We can 
hardly afford such scrimmages in the party at present. 
I shall do my best for the cause under any circum- 
stances. ... I trust there will be a full meetino;, not 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 265 

only of the committee but of leading Republicans. 
I hope not only to see my friends but also my enemies, 
if there are any, for I am sure they will be satisfied 
when they know all, unless their minds are poisoned 
by ambitious schemers." 

The second meeting of the committee was very 
largely attended. Rollins opened it by a calm state- 
ment of his position. He reviewed his connection with 
the previous campaign, explained his enforced absence, 
repeated the assurance he had received from Prescott 
and Fogg, who were in charge of the State committee, 
that Republican success was assured, and outlined his 
work of reorganizing the party. He concluded by stat- 
ing that he was not a candidate for reelection, but, if 
selected, he should not feel at liberty to decline. His 
speech made a strong impression. It was supplemented 
by a brief statement from Mr. Straw, the candidate 
for governor, expressing his wishes and his desire for 
harmonious action. There was no discussion and, a 
ballot being taken, Rollins received all but a few scat- 
tering votes. His election as chairman was then made 
unanimous. 

Writing Ordway immediately after the second meet- 
ing of the committee, Rollins said: 

"I must run the machine once more, and then I 
hope to be quit of it. I could not retire without seem- 
ing disgrace. This I cannot afford. I think the hos- 
tility exhibited by Patterson, Tappan and Co. has done 
me much good and ensured me many friends whom 
I otherwise would not have had. The fact is the rank 



266 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

and file of the party are for me, and tliey found it out 
before the committee met, and accepted the situa- 
tion." 

The Manchester Mirror in its account of the State 
committee meeting said: "The meeting was such as 
will give the key-note to the present campaign. It 
means that the contest on the part of the Republicans 
is to be one of untiring and indefatigable labor. The 
selection of Mr. Rollins means old-fashioned warfare 
and an immediate movement on the enemy's works." 

The Statesman said : '' The abilities and success of 
E. H. Rollins in his position of chainnan have become 
historic in ISTew Hampshire and need not be descanted 
upon." 

The skill with which Rollins managed campaigns in 
New Hampshire was known and recognized by Re- 
publican leaders all over the country. It was about 
this time that Rollins received the following message 
from Elihu B. Washburne, our minister to France, 
in a letter written to him by Benjamin Gerrish, Jr., 
of Concord, then consul at Nantes, France. 

" When you write Rollins, give him my kindest 
regards and tell him that I am glad he is to run the 
next campaign in New Hampshire, for that looks like 
business. I know what the result will be if he takes 
hold in earnest. He is the best party organizer that 
New Hampshire ever produced." 

Washburne was an intimate friend of Grant and 
interested in his reelection to the Presidency. He rec- 
ognized the importance of a Republican victory in New 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 267 

Hampshire in March as bearing not only upon the re- 
nomination but the reelection of President Grant. 

The campaign was an active and vigilant one. The 
Democrats renominated Governor Weston, and a small 
gathering of Labor Reformers nominated Lemuel P. 
Cooper, of Croydon. The Prohibitionists held a con- 
vention and selected John Blackmer as their standard- 
bearer. The contest, however, was between the two old 
parties, the Labor Reformers and Prohibitionists cut- 
ting no figure in the canvass. Among the outside 
speakers for the Republicans were Senator Henry Wil- 
son, of Massachusetts, Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, of E'ew 
York, Mary A. Livermore, of Massachusetts, and 
James F. Wilson, of Iowa, afterward United States 
Senator from that State. Daniel Voorhees, of In- 
diana, then Congressman, and afterward Senator, ap- 
peared on the stump for the Democrats. 

General Sickles not only spoke in the campaign, but 
sent his check for five hundred dollars to aid in the 
expenses. Acknowledging Sickles's letter, Rollins said : 
" My dear General : — Yours of the 4th inst. enclosing 
check of five hundred dollars to aid the good cause in 
the State is received. A thousand thanks for your 
generous contribution. It is the first that we have 
received from our friends outside of the State, and I 
assure you that it will not only do us much good toward 
getting home our absent voters, but will encourage us 
to make more determined efforts to redeem the State. 
The fight is to be a desperate one, and we need all the 
assistance we can have. We remember well how you 



268 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

turned the ' tide of battle ' in our campaign of 1868, 
and may find ourselves again in a position where your 
services will be indispensable. If such should be the 
case, Chandler intimates that you will make two or 
three speeches for us. We are well aware of the 
changes that have taken place and the consequent 
different relations which you hold to the government 
and the people, and consequently shall not call upon 
you unless the necessity seems obvious. Please let me 
hear from you when convenient, and believe me as 
ever, your sincere friend." 

Three weeks before the election, Rollins had pre- 
pared his canvass of the State. A copy of this canvass 
was given at that time to Governor Jewell, of Con- 
necticut, and to Mr. Straw, the Republican candidate 
for governor.^ 

Commenting upon this canvass after election, the 
Boston Advertiser s Concord corespondent said : " It 
seems almost incredible that so correct a canvass could 
have been made, and yet the result is not any more 

1 CANVASS 

Straw 38,141 

Weston 36,137 

Blackmer 301 

Cooper 527 

VOTE CAST 

Straw 38,752 

Weston 36,584 

Blackmer 486 

Cooper and scattering 460 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 269 

accurate than has occurred several times before under 
the excellent management of E. H. Rollins, chairman 
of the State committee." 

The election resulted in the choice of Straw as gov- 
ernor by the people. The Republicans carried the 
legislature by about sixty majority. Speaking of this 
campaign, the Statesman, said: 

" The chairman of the committee, E. H. Rollins, 
was almost literally sleepless in his vigilance, and never 
acquitted himself more creditably in any of his pre- 
vious campaigns. It is safe to say that under any 
other chairman than Mr. Rollins our success would 
have been at best doubtful. In view of his faithful 
and efficient service, the Republicans of New Hamp- 
shire and of the whole country owe Mr. Rollins the 
heartiest thanks." 

This campaign in New Hampshire enlisted more 
than ever the attention of the country. It was to have 
an important bearing upon the Republican national 
convention which would assemble a few weeks after the 
result was known. The Liberal Republican movement 
was on foot to defeat the renomination of President 
Grant by the menace of a threatened bolt. The Repub- 
licans of New Hampshire had endorsed President 
Grant's administration in their convention. Rollins, 
representing the Grant sentiment, which was strong in 
the State, was especially anxious to make the victory 
so emphatic that there would be no question of his re- 
nomination. Tappan, Fogg, and even Senator Patter- 
son were suspected of hostility to Grant. If only a 



270 LIFE or EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

partial triumph were secured at the New Hampshire 
election, the opponents of Grant all over the country 
would hail it as an indication that he could not be 
elected if nominated, and that his selection would re- 
sult in national defeat for the party. The anti-Grant 
sentiment in New Hampshire was not outspoken, but 
anything short of a complete victory in the March 
election would bring it into the open. How much of 
this sentiment lurked in the Republican ranks of the 
State became apparent after the national conventions 
were held. It is not too much to say that the result 
in New Hampshire settled the renomination of Pres- 
ident Grant. The Washington Star commenting upon 
the New Hampshire election, expressed the feeling of 
Grant's supporters everywhere when it said : 

" The first gun of the campaign is very emphatically 
for Grant, and the Republicans gained all they lost last 
year. As we said yesterday, the issue in this Stat« 
was purely a national one between the friends of the 
administration and its enemies, and, this being the 
case, the result must be accepted as an indication that 
the so-called Liberal Republican movement has not 
seriously weakened the Republican party of New Eng- 
land." 

The Senatorial canvass, which began immediately 
after election, became intense and even bitter toward 
its close. Rollins was the most prominent contestant 
for Patterson's seat, and around these two the battle 
raged with no small amount of personal feling. Gov- 
ernor Onslow Steams, Mason W. Tappan, and Gilman 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 271 

Marston were later brought into the contest, and it 
early became the field against Patterson. Rollins was 
not adverse to the candidacies of these three, believ- 
ing that they would draw from Patterson where he 
could not, and that with Patterson's defeat their 
friends would come to him. 

Stearns's two terms as governor had been creditable 
to himself and the party. He was recognized as a suc- 
cessful business man. Of forceful character, he showed 
himself popular with the people of the State. He was 
president of one of the ISTew Hampshire railroads. 
His recognized executive ability gave him a consider- 
able following. 

The familiar cry of " rotation " was taken up, and 
the feeling of many Republicans of the State was ex- 
pressed by Marston in a letter to Rollins dated May 
24, 1872, in which he said: 

" The reelection of Cragin was a mistake which all 
men now see and acknowledge. It did not strengthen 
the party or add a ray of glory to our State. It helped 
nobody but himself and Ruel (Durkee). The mistake 
cannot now be rectified and it will not be repeated. . . . 
I am of the opinion that, if I could have seen you 
frequently and you would have taken kindly some sug- 
gestions — and I am sure you would — rotation could 
have been made certain. From my point of view Mr. 
Patterson seems strong, not so strong as he was, but 
still formidable. He has not a majority, but you know 
how difficult it is to unite the friends of several can- 
didates upon any one." 



272 LIFE OF EDWARD 11. ROLLINS 

This last. sugge!?tioii of Alarston was truo. Rollins, 
Stearns, Tappan. and Marston wore aiicived that Patter- 
son onglit not to be reeleeted, but none of them reaelioil 
the point where he was ready to throw his supix>rt to 
any of tlie others. As the eont4?st grew in intensity, 
it appeared to the nnprejndieed that, while Ixollins's 
candidacy might defeat Patterson, it would not elect 
himself. As the session of the legislature approached, 
a deadlock of the leadei's in the caucus seemed probable. 
Other candidates now awakened to the possibilities of 
the canvass. 

In addition to the argument of rotation. Patterson 
had to meet the suspicion that he was not in full accx"»rd 
with Grant's administration, as well as open attacks 
that he was conneete<l with tJlie Washington city ring 
then in power with *' Boss " Alexander P. Shepard 
at it^ head. He was attacked in the Pemocratic news- 
papers, and, in the closing days of the canvass, two 
negroes from Washington appeared at Concord, where 
in public speeches they accused him of disloyalty to 
their race. The Credit Mobilier scandal had not then 
come to the front, and was only hinteil at during the 
canvass. Pollins was accused of inspiring the attacks 
upon Patterson, a charge he denied. As many of the 
statements which were nuule about Patterson's public 
career were supposed to be within the knowledge of 
Eollins, it was easy to accuse him of giving them cur- 
rency, and difKcult for him to persuade the public that 
he had not done so. Then Pollins's association with 
Ordway. who openly attacked Patterson while chain- 



■iUL KLl'lJiilACAS I'AK'IY RE/JiUiAS IZKJJ 27.j 

pioning lioUinjj'i; election, ftOfrrmed t/> '^/^nfirrn Uiat 
belief. 

Ckandler, who was kfjpt biuij by hii>; 'UiiKua a* »eo- 
retary of the national f/mvantion which met in June, 
wa« not on the ground, but he kej^rt. in t/>uch with what 
wa« going on. Three weeks before the legislature met, 
he wroU; Ji/A]hiH an followr;: 

" I am H'dti'r.iU'A that, if at the firet caucus of the 
BCfesio/i a resolution i« put through declaring in favor 
of rotation on the Senatorial quefition, all friendn of 
new candidates rallying their forces and carrying it 
through, there will Ixi some chance of a new man get- 
ting in. Otherwise you will have bo much difference 
of opinion when you come to ballot, Patterson will be 
elected." 

Wliat Chandler feared came near happening, but 
Patterson could not gain the necessary seven votes 
to give him a rn ajoritv of the full caucus. The second 
ballot in the caucus gave him one additional vote, which 
he held on the third. Then the tide turned. Rollins 
was sanguine to the last, and to the day of the caucus 
apparently hari greater strength than he developed at 
that gathering. The Maru;hefster Mirror's report of 
the cauctis gives this view of the case and the cause of 
Rrdlins's loss of strength After saying tliat " at two 
o'clock in the afternoon " of the caucus, " appearances 
indicated that Patterson and Rollins were pretty 
evenly balanced," the report continues : " Later in the 
day the current set against Rollins and in favor of 
Patterson in consequence of new energy on the j»^rt 



274 



LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 



of Patterson's friends and the charge that Rollins had 
brought Ordway to his aid and imported colored men 
from Washington to declaim against Patterson. There 
is no reason to believe that Rollins was 2:iiiltv of the 
charge, but Ordwav and the colored men were present 
and opposed Patterson, and this gave color to the 
accusation." 

The caucus met amid intense excitement, but pro- 
ceeded immediately to ballot. Patterson lacked eight 
of a majority on the fii*st vote. Rollins polled nearly a 
third of the caucus. Stearns's vote added to Rollins's 
would have placed the latter within ten votes of Pat- 
terson. On the first ballot Bainbridge Wadleigh had 
three votes. Patterson held his forces well in hand for 
three ballots. Then a break came and Wadleigh was 
nominated on the fifth ballot.^ 

The election of Wadleigh came as a complete sur- 
prise to the State. He had not expected the nomina- 
tion, although he knew he would be voted for in the 





^THE 


BALLOTS 










First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


James W. Patterson 


102 


103 


103 


98 


36 


Edward H. Rollins 


67 


69 


39 


16 


1 


Onslow Stearns 


26 


25 


31 


39 




Mason W. Tappan 


12 


16 


19 


18 


9 


Oilman Marston 


9 


6 


7 


6 


5 


Bainbridge "Wadleigh 


3 


8 


18 


39 


162 


Aaron F. Stevens 


1 










Samuel M. Wheeler 




2 


3 






Walter Harriman 








2 


4 


Asa Fowler 








1 


3 



THE EEPUBLICAX PAETY REORGANIZED ^/5 

caucus. He was a member of this legislature, as he 
had be^:;n of the prfx;eding, where he had attracted! the 
attention of the Kepublicans of the State by his leader- 
ship when his j^arty wafi in the minority. He was 
popular with the members, of whom probably one-half 
had been members of the previous annual session. If 
a compromise candidate was to be selected, he of all 
others was the easiest to unite upon. He readily made 
friends, was a pleasing speaker and skilful in debate. 
He had avoided in politics all those contests which 
create antagonisms. His career in the Senate brought 
him into prominence, and he was recognized by his 
colleagues in that body as a man of ability and 
strength. Senator George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts, 
in his autobiography, commends both Wadleigh's 
ability and integrity, and condemns the practice of 
New Hampshire of frequently changing her representa- 
tion in the Senate. Wadleigh was grievously disap- 
pointed at his defeat for reelection, and an independ- 
eifce of party which he had shown in the Senate led, 
in 1882, to his bolting the Republican nominee for 
governor and casting his lot with the Democratic party. 
After his retirement from the Senate, he removed to 
Boston, where he practised his profession until his 
death. 

Senator Patterson's defeat was not regarded by him- 
self or his friends as his retirement from politics. He 
had many admirers in the State. He had occupied 
a professor's chair at Dartmouth College at the time 
of his first election to Congress. In that body he had 



276 LIFE or EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

attained distinction. As a scholar he had high rank 
among public men, and as an orator he was without a 
rival in ISTew Hampshire and with but few peers in 
the United States. In the Senate his eloquent speeches 
had attracted the attention of the country, and the 
metropolitan press of Boston, New York, and Wash- 
ington with hardly an exception were earnest advo- 
cates of his reelection. The Credit Mobilier exposure 
involving so many public men followed soon after his 
defeat, and from the effect of this he never recovered. 
He was later made superintendent of public instruc- 
tion of the State, a position he held until his death. In 
1883 he was again a candidate for the Senate, but his 
support did not extend beyond a few devoted admirers. 
The Dover Enquirer, which had supported Mr. Rol- 
lins's candidacy for the Senatorship, had this to say 
after election : " E. H. Rollins made a good fight for 
the Senatorship, receiving sixty-seven votes on the first 
ballot or nearly one-third of the entire number. It is 
said this would have been sensibly larger but for the 
jealousies of some rotationists and the last effective ar- 
guments of their opponents, resulting in surprising 
violations of good faith. Mr. Rollins, in fact, had on 
hand not only the biggest kind of a contest with Mr. 
Patterson but several little side encounters with various 
other gentlemen who were only too willing to relieve 
Mr. Patterson, provided they did not aid Mr. Rollins. 
The result is highly creditable to the latter's personal 
influence and popularity. He comes out of the whole 
with warmer friends and greater strength than ever. 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 277 

His efforts for the Republican cause may fail of recog- 
nition, but they will never make him false to principle. 
The Republican party needs just such men and we be- 
lieve, if it is to endure many years, it can only be by 
appreciating and sustaining them." 

The Senatorial caucus had taken place before it was 
known what effect the nomination of Horace Greeley 
by the Liberal Republicans would have upon either the 
Democratic or the Republican parties. RoUins's de- 
feat was a disappointment to many of the working 
Republicans of the State. The Democratic news- 
papers were inclined to regard it as likely to produce 
a wider breach in the Republican party of New Hamp- 
shire. They were, therefore, disposed to sympathize 
with Rollins and to give prominence to his labors in 
behalf of the party. The Concord People, which was 
becoming more and more to be recognized as the Dem- 
ocratic organ at the capital, thus refers to the Republi- 
can Senatorial caucus. 

" Mr. Rollins, in our view of the late Senatorial con- 
test, and it is one of impartial observation, cannot look 
upon the mode and means of his defeat with much 
satisfaction. Every man in this State knows that he 
has been the efficient and successful manager of the 
political campaigns of his party for years. To him 
more than any other man the Republican party of this 
State owes its success for the last fifteen years. As a 
compensation for signal services he has rendered to his 
party, he asked the favor of an election to the Senate 
of the United States. But the very services which he 



278 LIFE OF EDWAUD H. ROLLINS 

has rendered to liis party have been the cause of his 
defeat. His efficient generalship of the Republican 
affairs has made him personal enemies and aroused 
the jealousies of rivals. To those mean sentiments and 
motives he has been sacrificed." 

If by sympathizing v^ith his defeat the Democrats 
had an idea that they would unsettle Rollins's loyalty 
to his party, they v^^ere soon to find out their mistake. 

Rollins's identification vt^ith the Union Pacific Rail- 
road as its secretary and treasurer did not help his 
candidacy. The newspapers were already giving cur- 
rency to suspicions that the road was not properly man- 
aged and they were leading up to the Congressional 
investigation which took place some months later. The 
Credit Mobilier of America, an organization within 
the Union Pacific directory for absorbing the profits 
of building the road, was known to exist, though the 
extent of its operation had not been exposed. Enough, 
however, appeared in the press regarding this company 
to raise the question of the propriety of electing an 
officer of the Union Pacific Railroad to the Senate. 
The opponents of Rollins used this against him. He, 
however, was never a stockliolder either in the Union 
Pacific Railroad or the Credit Mobilier Company. If 
his attitude toward the Credit Mobilier Company had 
been known, it is not impossible that his connection 
as an officer of the Union Pacific Railroad would have 
helped rather than injured his canvass. The following 
memorandum found among his papers, which is con- 
firmed by Henry McFarland, of Concord, then his 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 279 

assistant in the treasury of the Union Pacific Rail- 
road and afterwards his successor in that office, shows 
that, if his advice had been followed, this great scandal 
would have been avoided. Mr. McFarland was present 
when the protest was made by Rollins against the use 
of a certain note by the Credit Mobilier Company. 



" Mr. Rollins has always said that the note purport- 
ing to be that of the Union Pacific Railroad Company 
to the Credit Mobilier of America, for two million 
dollars, was given without the authority of the corpora- 
tion, and without consideration ; that it was made and 
put into the hands of a trustee to be held merely as 
a sort of indemnity to protect the signers of a certain 
bond, which bond was given to a Pennsylvania court, 
to secure the payment of such sum as the court might 
find to be due in a suit for income tax brought in 
said court; and that when (after all possibility of 
liability on said bond had been escaped, the bond it- 
self having been surrendered and cancelled) the said 
note was finally delivered to the agents of the Credit 
Mobilier in his presence, he, as representing the Union 
Pacific Railroad Company, made a most emphatic and 
vigorous verbal protest against such delivery." 

Rollins's connection with the Union Pacific Railroad 
led to the charges that this road helped the Republi- 
cans with contributions of money. This was believed 



280 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

not only by Democrats but even by some Republicans. 
One prominent Republican of Concord thought he had 
proof positive of this in the campaign of 1872, and 
perhaps he still believes the evidence of his eyesight. 
Rollins, as treasurer of the Union Pacific Railroad, 
had many checks to sign in payment of the bills of 
that corporation. Henry McFarland, of Concord, was 
his confidential clerk at that time. Rollins was at the 
Republican headquarters during the campaign. It 
was, therefore, the practice of McFarland to prepare 
the company's checks and send the check-book to Con- 
cord for Rollins's signatures thereto. One day Rollins 
was busy at headquarters signing these checks when 
this Republican happened in. His eyes lighted upon 
the check-book bearing the imprint of the Union Pa- 
cific Railroad. He smiled significantly to himself, but 
asked no questions. After some general conversation 
he left. That evening he confidentially told a friend 
that the campaign was all right and the Republicans 
would win, for the Union Pacific Railroad had given 
Rollins carte hlanche to draw on the company's treas- 
ury for funds, and he had seen Rollins signing the 
checks. 

That Rollins was disappointed at the outcome of the 
Senatorial caucus is not to be denied. His service 
in Congress at a critical time in the history of the party 
and the country had been most creditable to himself, 
and his work in the Republican organization in win- 
ning victories justified him in feeling that his elevation 
to the Senate would be a proper recognition of that 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 281 

service and work. In writing immediately after his 
defeat, he said to his friend, C. W. Eand, of Little- 
ton: 

" A partial victory was achieved in the establish- 
ment of the doctrine of rotation. Wadleigh is a man 
of undoubted ability and a good fellow. His election, 
I think, is generally satisfactory, although it seems to 
many working men of the party as somewhat unjust. 
I am bound, however, to accept the result in a proper 
spirit, for I feel that, if a mistake has been made, it 
is not my fault. I have done my duty faithfully for 
seventeen years in the party and have no apologies to 
make. On the contrary, I feel proud of my Republi- 
can record. It may be that I am altogether mistaken 
in my view, but I honestly think that the men who do 
the work in the party should receive better treatment 
than is often given to them." 

This letter bears the date of June 25, 1872. In 
this same spirit he wrote to other friends. It is not 
improbable that he had at this time a disposition to 
withdraw from political life, for, in writing under 
date of July 23d, to Samuel Upton, of Manchester, 
who had been his supporter, he says : 

" I hardly know yet what I can do in connection 
with the coming campaign. I have taken upon myself 
additional duties in railroad matters, and it may be 
impossible for me to devote very much time to the 
work. I suppose we shall have a meeting of the com- 
mittee very soon, and I hope by that time to have ad- 
ditional light upon the subject. With proper eflfort, 



282 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

I think we can carry our State, but there is some 
work to be done." 

Yet three days later, his interest is quickened, if 
it ever flagged for a moment, for he wi-ites as follows 
to William E. Chandler, who was then secretary of 
the national committee, concerning the coming Presi- 
dential election : 

" I hope you have made sure of North Carolina. 
If you have not, the prospects are very dubious. 
Things are not very prosperous in New Hampshire. 
There are a good many men who are talking Greeley, 
but the right turn of affairs in North Carolina would 
save them. When you have taken care of North Caro- 
lina, then concentrate all your energies on Maine and 
give us a big majority there." 

In a letter to John Kimball, of Concord, written 
while the Senatorial campaign was pending, Rollins 
had said : "I probably shall not trouble my friends 
much more politically, as I shall not again be a can- 
didate for ofiice, and I hope a hearty effort will be made 
for me, especially by my neighbors in Concord, at this 
time." 

This thought of retiring from political activity in 
case of defeat was strengthened by the additional 
duties imposed upon him as treasurer of the Union 
Pacific Railroad. He felt that he could now resign 
the chairmanship of the State committee with credit 
to himself and without detriment to the party. Under 
his leadership the Republicans had won a signal victory 
and were again in full control of the State. The State 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY REORGANIZED 283 

had been lost in 1871 because of his enforced absence. 
It had been redeemed in 1872 under his direction of 
the political forces. If his leadership had provoked the 
jealousies and enmities of other prominent Republi- 
cans, he would now eliminate them by his retirement. 
It is quite certain that he thought that his political 
aspirations were at an end, and that his efforts here- 
after would be directed mainly to a business career, 
for which he had both the taste and the talent. He 
took his defeat for the Senatorship philosophically and 
without personal animosity toward any one. Three 
times he had tried for the Senatorial nomination and 
failed. Now four years would elapse before another 
Senatorial vacancy would naturally occur. 

None knew better than Rollins how likely new issues 
are to bring new men into prominence. He would, 
therefore, remove himself from a position which for 
years had brought him constant labor even to the ex- 
clusion of his personal affairs, and, if his services were 
needed, give such time as he could to politics and take 
such recognition as naturally came to him. 



CHAPTER XVL 

RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE COMMITTEE 

Having reached the conclusion to resign as chair- 
man of the State committee, Rollins called the commit- 
tee together August 7, 1872, that his resignation might 
be acted upon and early opportunity given for the 
choice of his successor and the organization of the 
party for the approaching campaign. At this meeting 
Rollins, addressing the committee, said: 

" On account of pressing business duties which have 
arisen since my election as chairman of the committee 
in January last, and which I could not have foreseen 
upon the acceptance of the position, but which will 
prevent me from giving that time and attention to the 
work of the Presidential campaign which its import- 
ance demands, I am compelled to ask you to accept my 
resignation, so often tendered, as your chairman. 

" While doing this I am happy to congratulate the 
committee upon the union and harmony which prevail 
in the Republican party throughout the State. Our 
ovenvhelming victory in March last, and the united 
front which we now present to the enemy, whom we 
have fought and defeated in twenty campaigns, render 
certain a complete triumph in November over the 

284 



\ 

RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 285 

mongrel force marshalled under the leadership of 
Greeley and Brown, and the emphatic endorsement by 
the Granite State of President Grant and that self- 
made son of New Hampshire, Henry Wilson. 

" To such a consummation I shall, in common with 
you as my associate members of the committee, look 
forward with profound satisfaction, believing it to be 
the only result which can assure peace and prosperity 
to the country." 

His resignation was accepted, and Orrin C. Moore, 
of Nashua, was elected to fill the vacancy. The Man- 
chester Mirror in its account of the meeting says: 
" Mr. Rollins had no sooner resumed his seat than 
member after member arose to bear testimony to the 
impartial, faithful, and efiicient manner in which he 
had discharged his various duties as chairman of the 
committee. His reward is the confidence of the party, 
and the evidence of his noble work is the record of the 
brilliant victories that, with the exception of a single 
year, illumine our political history from 1855 to the 
present time. Mr. Rollins's resignation was then ac- 
cepted, and resolutions embodying the above were pre- 
sented by Austin F. Pike, and unanimously adopted." 

The Statesman said : " E. H. Rollins, renewing his 
pledge of devotion to the interests of the party, said 
that his business relations would not permit him to at- 
tend to the duties of the chairmanship during the cam- 
paign, for which reason alone he tendered his resigna- 
tion. The expressions of admiration and thankfulness 
for the service rendered by Mr. Rollins in this difficult 



286 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

position were so spontaneous, so profuse, and so hearty 
that any man might justly be provid of them. All the 
more may Mr. Rollins be proud because the tangible 
results of his work show so plainly that the praise 
bestowed upon it is richly deserved." 

The Democratic People, commenting upon Rollins's 
resignation, said : " We know nothing of what Mr. 
Rollins's purposes are, and do not in any way desire to 
misrepresent him, but we do know that as an organizer 
and manager of a campaign his equal cannot be found. 
To him the party is indebted for whatever victories 
it has won in the last ten years." 

Rollins's apparent optimism on the political situa- 
tion was not shared by Republicans generally. There 
was a feeling of doubt as to the result of the Presiden- 
tial election. The Statesman of August 8th, the day 
after Rollins resigned as chairman, in an editorial on 
" What of New Hampshire," said : 

" Whenever and wherever one meets a Republican 
or a Democrat from any State, almost the first question 
is : ' Well, what of K'ew Hampshire ; is she for Grant 
or for Greeley ? ' And strange as it may seem, the 
answer is not uniformly in one direction. The friends 
of Greeley claim the State very confidently, and the 
friends of General Grant do not all and always claim 
it with the same confidence. There is no use in disguis- 
ing or denying the fact which must be patent to nearly 
everybody that there is thus far on the part of many 
Republicans a lack of enthusiasm for General Grant 
which accounts for the confidence of his opponents and 



RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 287 

the doubts of his friends. As little use is there in 
denying that there are in every county of the State, and 
perhaps in a majority of the towns, a few Republicans 
who incline to vote for Greeley and would be greatly 
in danger of doing so were the voting to be done at this 
time." 

This view was soon brought home to Rollins in let- 
ters from active Republicans of the State telling of 
defections which became more pronounced because of 
his resignation of the chairmanship of the committee. 
Among Rollins's admirers at that time was Charles B. 
Gafney, of Rochester. He was a young lawyer of in- 
fluence in that section of the State, a sagacious politi- 
cian, and untiring worker. He had a charming per- 
sonality, which, united to a ready wit, made him many 
friends. He continued until his death a potential 
force in New Hampshire politics. He was disap- 
pointed at Rollins's defeat for Senator both on account 
of his personal attachment to him and because the 
choice for Senator gave no recognition of those whose 
work had kept the State Republican. He was not 
present at the State committee meeting. Rollins, how- 
ever, wrote him immediately after, to which letter he 
replied under date of August 12th, as follows: 

" My dear Rollins : — Your letter of this morning 
is at hand and contents noted. You have finally con- 
cluded to do something for yourself and I am pleased. 
Hall [Daniel] missed the train on the evening of your 
meeting. We have sacrificed good men enough in our 



288 LIFE OF EDWARD H. EOLLINS 

political warfare of the past few years, and under the 
present generalship I propose to bushwhack for 
Greeley. Last year we carried this town and several 
others for the Republican party by your aid, and this 
campaign they must go the other way. North Carolina 
has spoken and her words can give no consolation to 
the followers of Grant. You have been a devoted Re- 
publican for years and we have all been proud of you 
as a leader. ... If Dan [Hall] had been running the 
campaign, out of respect and regard for the chairman, 
many of us would have remained, but now our way 
is clear. Shall call on you when in Boston, and you 
can say to friend Moore [Orrin C] that I will show 
him Greeley men in the Republican ranks of this dis- 
trict sufficient to carry the State Democratic." 

The tenor of this letter was a surprise to Rollins 
because it gave a different impression of his resigna- 
tion than he intended. He found that he must by per- 
sonal work with his friends correct this misunderstand- 
ing. He immediately ^vrote to Gafney urging him to 
take no step until he saw him. In subsequent cor- 
respondence and by personal appeals, he implored him 
to stand by the party. His efforts were successful and 
Gafney not only did not come out for Greeley, but pre- 
vented not a few of his friends from so doing. 

Soon after a report appeared in the New York 
Tribune that Rollins had declared for Greeley. This 
was immediately corrected by him, and from this time 
forward he was at work with his old-time vigor to make 



RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 289 

New Hampshire sure for Grant. He was in active 
cooperation with the new chairman, Orrin C. Moore, 
as the following letter shows: 

" My dear Rollins : — Was pleased to hear from 
you, though I have written Blaine about speakers, in- 
cluding himself. Have also written Dawes and Conk- 
ling. We have sent out blanks for a thorough organiza- 
tion, and also to obtain names of leading Republicans 
and anti-Greeley Democrats. When we get these, we 
shall dose them with doses specially prepared for them. 
The meeting must be a success all around. 

" What you are doing is just what every live and 
hearty man should be doing, but I expect few appre- 
ciate the situation as you do. Here in Nashua and 
vicinity things look first-rate. I could not ask for them 
to look better. Write me often and keep pegging 
away." 

In a letter to Gen, Horace Porter, President Grant's 
private secretary, Rollins wrote : " I regret that I was 
obliged to resign the chairmanship of the Republican 
State committee of New Hampshire on account of 
pressing business engagements, but I shall still be in 
the position to be of much service to the cause. I shall 
render it all the aid in my power. I never felt a 
stronger inclination to make a hard fight for the cause 
than now, for it seems to me the best interests of the 
country require the defeat of this mongrel crew. 

" The papers report Senator Wilson as giving up 



290 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

our State to the enemy. I have not seen him and am 
not sure that the report is true. It seems to me that, 
notwithstanding the defection of Senatorial aspirants, 
we can still carry the State if a proper amount of work 
is done. Tappan will not carry anybody with him of 
consequence. Patterson probably will not go over to 
the enemy because they will not accept him on his 
terms, while most of the other Senatorial aspirants will 
either coldly support President Grant or do nothing. 

" I returned from ]^ew Hampshire this a. m. 1 am 
glad to see that Senator Chandler [Zachariah] is to 
speak there. Our people are decidedly more hopeful, 
and, in fact, I think the tide is turned and moving in 
the right direction. If our Pennsylvania troubles are 
only settled — and W. E. Chandler writes me hope- 
fully about things there — I shall feel that the Presi- 
dent's reelection is certain. Hoping to hear from you 
when convenient, and trusting for a Grant triumph, 
I remain," etc. 

To this letter General Porter replied : " I was very 
glad to receive your letter of the 22d ultimo. The 
manly course pursued by you after the result of the 
Senatorial fight has won the admiration of all your 
friends and the respect of your enemies. I hope you 
will continue to keep your shoulder to the wheel until 
IN'ovember. Should the Republicans make New Hamp- 
shire and Connecticut sure, we may count upon the 
whole of ISTew England. I hope the report is not true 
that Mr. Wilson at any time gave up your State. He 
certainly will not after the news from Mane." 



RESIGNS AS CHAIEMAN 291 

Viewed solely from the election returns in Novem- 
ber, it is difficult to see wherein the Republicans of 
New Hampshire had cause for apprehension of the 
result in their State. These figures show nearly six 
thousand majority for Grant, while Governor Straw 
had only about twelve hundred majority at the spring 
election. But the figures tell only the result and not 
the work which brought about that result. For several 
months after Greeley's nomination by the Liberal Re- 
publicans and endorsement by the Democratic party, 
there was uncertainty of the extent of Republican dis- 
affection in New Hampshire. Besides Mason W. Tap- 
pan, several other well-known Republicans of the State 
declared for Greeley. Among these was Henry O. 
Kent, of Lancaster, who had been active in politics 
since the birth of the Republican party. He had 
owned and edited a Republican newspaper in Coos 
County, and had fought the Republican battles in 
this then Democratic stronghold with courage and 
persistency under adverse circumstances. He suffered 
the fate of many another leader who takes upon him- 
self the brunt of the battle in seeing less active and 
oftentimes less worthy men preferred in the distribu- 
tion of popular honors. If he chafed under this yoke, 
the issue presented by the Liberal Republican move- 
ment gave him an opportunity, which he early im- 
proved, to cut loose from the Republican party. He 
was warmly welcomed by the Democrats and was af- 
terward their nominee for Congress and governor. 
During Cleveland's first administration he was ap- 



292 LIFE or EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

pointed naval officer at the port of Boston. During 
Cleveland's second administration he was offered the 
position of Assistant Secretary of War, which he was 
obliged to decline for business and family reasons. 

Besides those who actually declared for Greeley, 
there were a number of Republicans who were at first 
inclined to support him. Some joined Greeley clubs 
and afterward withdrew. Others in conversation in- 
dicated an inclination to favor Greeley, while, as the 
Statesman said in the article above quoted, there was 
" a lack of enthusiasm for General Grant which ac- 
counts for the confidence of his opponents and the 
doubts of his friends." To solve these doubts a large 
amount of personal work was performed by Rollins 
and other members of the State committee through his 
direction. The Maine election gave the Republicans 
much courage, but it was not until the October elec- 
tions had shown Grant's reelection to be certain that 
apprehension as to the Greeley movement in New 
Hampshire subsided or the extent of Democratic dis- 
gust at Greeley's nomination was known. The open 
campaign was short. Very little speaking occurred. 
The early returns election night of November, 1872, 
foreshadowed the result both in State and nation. For 
a few weeks the political parties in New Hampshire 
rested on their arms preparatory to the approaching 
State campaign of 1873. 

In the winter of 1872-3, the Union Pacific Railroad 
was under investigation by Congress. This investiga- 
tion related to the Credit Mobilier Company of Amer- 



RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 293 

ica, to which reference has already been made. Rollins 
had no connection with this company and was not even 
a stockholder in the Union Pacific Railroad. As 
treasurer of that railroad, he was examined as a wit- 
ness and testified before the committee at Washington 
and before a sub-committee that visited Boston to 
further examine the books and accounts of the com- 
pany. The investigation in no way involved Rollins 
directly or indirectly with the proceedings which cut 
short the public career of several distinguished men, 
but it did occupy his time so that he could give but 
little attention to politics. His testimony before the 
committee is thus epitomized in the Monitor of Feb- 
ruary 7, 1873 : 

" In regard to his employment by the company in 
Washington, while its secretary and treasurer, Rollins 
said that he never asked an officer of the government, 
a member of the Senate or House of Representatives, to 
do for the company what he would not have done him- 
self had he occupied their positions. He never knew 
of any money of the company that was expended for 
political purposes. H« furthermore said that he him- 
self never received a dollar from the company which 
was not earned by hard labor, and that never to his 
knowledge had a dollar been expended for political 
purposes since he became treasurer." 

The spring campaign opened in !N'ew Hampshire 
in midwinter with the nomination of four candidates 
for governor. The Republicans renominated Governor 
Straw, and the Democrats James A. Weston. The 



294 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Liberal Republicans, who had coalesced with the Dem- 
ocrats the fall before in a joint electoral ticket, pre- 
sented, as their candidate for governor, Samuel K. 
Mason, of Bristol, and nominated candidates for Con- 
gress in each of the three districts, endorsing the Demo- 
cratic candidate in the first district. About fifty people 
were present at their convention, including Mason W. 
Tappan, Henry O. Kent, Willard A. Heard, of Sand- 
wich, John H. Goodale, then of IS'ashua, and Lemuel 
P. Cooper, of Croydon, the last two being of the late 
Labor Reform party. Kent was made chairman of 
their State committee, Goodale secretary, and John 
Toss, of Concord, treasurer. The Prohibition party, 
which for two campaigns had polled an inconsequential 
vote, took on new life in this canvass. Their nominee 
for governor was John Blackmer, of Sandwich. 

In all the Republican Congressional conventions, 
there was active rivalry for the nomination. In the 
first district, William B. Small, who was a defeated 
candidate in 1871, was renominated after a spirited 
contest. In the second district, Aaron F. Stevens de- 
clined to be again a candidate, and Austin F. Pike, of 
Franklin, was nominated. In the third district, Simon 
G. Griffin, of Keene, secured a renomination, although 
meeting with strenuous opposition. In the result of 
all these conventions Rollins took a deep interest. Mr. 
Small and Mr. Pike had been his staunch supporters, 
and his activity in favor of both was apparent. In the 
third district, rumor of an attempt to bring forward 
as a candidate Senator Patterson, whose term as Sen- 



RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 295 

ator expired March 4tli, caused Rollins to write some 
vigorous letters of protest to his friends in that district. 
The Congressional investigation of the Credit Mohilier 
Company had involved Senator Patterson, and his 
nomination for Congress would have made that transac- 
tion a direct issue of the campaign. Whatever founda- 
tion there may have been for the report, Senator Pat- 
terson's candidacy did not materialize. 

The Democrats renominated their candidates for 
Congress in 1871, who comprised the ISTew Hampshire 
delegation in the House at Washington, Ellery A. Hib- 
bard, Samuel ]Sr. Bell, and Hosea W. Parker. 

At the meeting of the Republican State committee, 
Orrin C. Moore, who had succeeded Rollins as chair- 
man when the latter resigned, was reelected. Ben- 
jamin F. Prescott was chosen secretaiy, and Carlos 
Gr. Pressey, of Concord, treasurer. Moore was the 
editor of the Nashua Telegraph and a young man com- 
ing into prominence through his editorial writings 
and his speeches upon the stump. He had none of 
those qualities wdiich made Rollins successful as a 
campaign manager. His conception of a political cam- 
paign did not extend beyond the public demonstration 
in the press and upon the platform. He had little 
capacity for organization and no grasp of details. He 
was a man of strong convictions and strong prejudices. 
Opposition intensified his earnestness, but he was apt 
to look upon that opposition as personal to himself. 
He was a mere student of theories and unpractical in 
many things pertaining to politics and public life. He 



296 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

was a forceful speai;er, a strong debater, and an able 
man. He lacked that spirit of conciliation so essential 
to leaders of men, and was entirely devoid of humor. 
The political honors he won were in recognition of his 
ability rather than his popularity. He served with dis- 
tinction in both branches of the legislature, and was 
elected one term to Congress, where he made himself 
felt, although a new member. His defeat for reelection 
at a time when the second district was close was due 
largely to troubles arising from the distribution of 
patronage, a part of his work which he cordially dis- 
liked and for which he had no aptitude. As a political 
writer, he had few equals, and, as a speaker upon the 
stump, his services were always in demand. Had his 
lot been cast in a State of strong Kepublican majorities, 
he would have attained a national reputation. 

In this campaign, Jacob H. Gallinger and Henry 
M. Putney, who afterward became potential leaders 
of the Republican party, first appeared as members of 
the State committee. 

The campaign of 1873 was quiet and uneventful. 
There was but little public speaking, and no one was 
heard from outside the State. In response to calls for 
his services, Rollins was invited by the State committee 
to speak, and agreed to do so if his assignments were 
made in such parts of the State as would enable him 
to return to his office daily. He questioned very much 
the advisability of his appearing on the stump in view 
of his connection with the Union Pacific Railroad, 



RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 297 

then under investigation. Writing Dr. T. E. Hatch, 
of Keene, under date of February 17th, he said: 

" There is a good deal of work to be done in our 
State to make everything safe, in my judgment. I 
have just received a telegram from Griffin asking me to 
speak at Whitefield and Lancaster on the 27th and 28th. 
They are so far away that I cannot possibly spend the 
time. I must speak, if at all, at points easy of access 
from Boston. I suppose if I undertake to speak, every- 
body will be thinking about Credit Mobilier and the 
Union Pacific Railroad, and it may be questionable if 
I can do much good. I shall make no defence of the 
Credit Mobilier, but shall stand by the Union Pacific 
Railroad as a Republican measure. Talk this matter 
over with Griffin and see what he thinks about it. 
Situated as I am, I cannot escape discussing this matter 
on the stump." 

While Rollins did not speak in the campaign, his in- 
terest in the work continued unabated. February 25th 
he wrote to Chairman Moore as follows : " Your article 
in a recent issue, on the ' State Tax,' is a capital one. I 
see that it is copied into the Monitor, and I hope it will 
be published in every Republican paper in the State. 
The Democrats should be charged with repudiation, 
and their shortcomings, in this regard, kept before the 
people. No doubt you are looking after the close 
towns, for they are the key to the situation. We never 
fail to carry the State when these are secured." 

The chairman of the Democratic State committee 
was George F. Putnam, of Warren, who conducted the 



-98 LIFE OF KinVAKD U. KOl.l.lNS 

cjuupaigu with more method than some of his prede- 
cessors, lie had been a member of the legishiture, 
where he obtained prominenee bv his kuowk^dge of 
parliamentary practice, and his skill in debate. He 
was a lawver, a pleasing speaker, and a man of larg"e 
execntive ability. Later he aspired to the nomination 
for Congress, bnt was beaten in the Democratic conven- 
tion by Henry O. Kent. Soon after this he removed 
to Kansas City. ^Missouri, where the remainder of his 
life was spent in bnsiness pursuits. 

Atfaii*s at Washington favored the Democratic party. 
The Credit Mobilier investigation involved a large 
nnml>er of prominent Republican leaders in Congi-ess 
and only a few Democrats. The report of the investi- 
gating connnittee, while it exonerated several, reproved 
some for indiscreet action, and strongly censured others. 
This investigation had been conducted by a committee 
of the House of Representatives. Xo defence could l>e 
made of the Credit Mobilier Company, and the Re- 
publicans attempted none. More members of their 
party were involved than Democrats, and, being the 
party in power, aiid the Union Pacific Railroad having 
been aided by the government, the Republicans had 
to bear the odium of the Credit Mobilier scandal of 
bribery and illegal profits. 

In addition to the Credit Alobilier scandal, a bill 
was passed by Congi'ess increasing the sahiry of the 
President., the Vice-President, members of the Cabinet, 
Supreme Court judges. Senators, and members of Con- 
gress. The bill was known as " the salarv o;rab," be- 



RtJiUiSh AS CHAIRMAN 299 

eatuse thff 'nmrtiahd in caiary of Beiiatorg and Cofj^r^iw?- 
m/en daU:4 bar;k to tiie tim<e of tbfcir quaiifkatloa a« 
mftmi>;;rfc. Th/j thf<5fs l^imocratic raerxiberg from New 
Ifar/ipfchJre v^^ted again>;t th'f; biJl, and two of th(r;m 
aftftfvi-ard rtdiia^A U> a</i>fjpt th/; r^xtra salary, ae did 
a large number of Senators and Kepresentativeg. Thi* 
m.c&iiurfi provoked a storm of indi^jation from tJie 
pr^g of tJie country, be^iaJise it gave badk pay v> mem- 
bers of 0>ngrefe(-:, and, coming juet before the Xew 
ILampfcbire election, it put the Bepubliean party in 
thi* State on the ^ -^ ' r.. 

The vot^ at the . 'action of 1873 £dll off over 

eight thousand in the ai^jregate from that of the !Mareh 
election of 1%72. The first returns indicate^d the fail- 
ure of the ehsction of governor bj' the people and the re- 
election of all three Democratic members for Congress, 
with the Eepublieang holdirog the legislature. Com- 
pletr; returns showed that Governor Straw had a l>are 
majority of 214 on the popular vote, and that Small 
jmd Pike, E^publican candidatee in the first and sec- 
ond Congressional districts, were elected by small plu- 
ralities, and that Parker, the Democratic candidate 
in the third district, was rei;lectedL The vote for gov- 
ernor was: Scattering, 8; Samuel K- [Mason, 687; 
John Blackrner, 1,0J;>8; James .V. West/^n, 32,016; 
Ezekiel A, Straw, 34,023. 

That Rolliris was disturbed by the eleetic«i returns 
and the small majority secured for the Kepubliean 
State tidcet is shown by his letter to Congr^sman 
Small under date of Marcb 2'>tb. He says: 



300 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

" I most keartily congratulate you on your election 
to the House of Representatives. You had a hard 
fight and have come off victorious, much to your credit. 
You had to fight your own fight and I only regret it 
was not in my power to render you more assistance. 
I fully appreciate your complimentary remarks con- 
cerning myself, and feel grateful for your assurances 
of consideration hereafter. I shall not hesitate to call 
upon you whenever I think you can aid a friend or 
advance the cause. When in Boston, please call and see 
me and we will talk over the fight. Something should 
be done at an early date looking to the future of our 
party in the State. In its present demoralized condi- 
tion it needs looking after. We must put our best foot 
forward to secure success." 

Although holding no ofiicial position in the party, 
Rollins continued to be consulted on matters of party 
policy and to be appealed to for assistance by can- 
didates for office. 

He never forgot a promise to help a friend, and 
the persistency with which he urged an appointment 
gave no peace to the appointing power. In one in- 
stance, that of a railway mail appointment, there is 
continued evidence in his letter-books running through 
more than two years that he had the applicant con- 
stantly in mind. A failure on the part of any one to 
keep a political promise always roused his indignation, 
and, whether it was a Cabinet officer or a bureau chief 
who was the offender, he did not hesitate to remind 
him that such a promise should be as sacred as a 



RESIGNS AS CHAIRMAN 301 

business obligation. This persistency in anything he 
undertook brought to Rollins many applications for 
counsel and help from ambitious men within the party, 
although he held no official position to support his rec- 
ommendations. Appeals were also made to him for 
advice whenever there was local political trouble in the 
State, to which he always responded urging patience, 
forbearance, and the harmonizing of differences. 

Although Rollins secured in his time many positions 
under the government for young men, for the civil 
service law was not passed until 1883, he was very 
much opposed to a young man of character taking one 
of these places, especially if it were in the departmental 
service at Washington. His first reply to an applicant 
was usually a lecture to the young man, in which he 
assured him that he was better off in a position at 
home even if it were not so lucrative. In some in- 
stances his advice was heeded. In 1871 Henry M. 
Baker, of Bow, who was then in the Treasury Depart- 
ment, applied to Rollins for assistance in securing a 
promotion. The letter of reply is characteristic of 
Rollins. 

" My dear misguided Feiend : — I have yours of 
the 10th inst. before me, and note your remarks with 
reference to the vacancy in the office of commissioner 
of customs. Agreeably to your request, and to gratify 
you, though contrary to my best judgment, I enclose 
you herewith a letter of recommendation to Secretary 
Boutwell. If you have your heart set upon it, I am 



302 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

willing and perhaps desirous that you should succeed, 
although I am firmly of the opinion that it will be a 
calamity to you. I have so much regard for you and 
for your success in life that, did I not suppose you had 
considerable feeling in the matter, I should write to 
Boutwell and urge him to remove you from office at 
once. What a great blessing it would be if he would 
kick you out of the Treasury Department before the 
sun sets ! If you will remain where you are you may 
safely calculate the road to ruin lies wide open before 
you, and you are bound to pursue it to the end. I 
hope you will change your views, and turn yourself out 
into the world. There is enough of you to make a man, 
but I am very much afraid that we shall never have 
the evidence of it if you remain where you are." 

A little later Baker followed Rollins's advice and 
resigned to practice his profession of law at Washing- 
ton. Keeping in close touch with New Hampshire 
he engaged actively in politics, becoming a prominent 
political factor in the State. He was elected to the 
States Senate and afterward a member of Congress for 
two terms. In 1901 he was a candidate for the United 
States Senate with considerable support. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



A DEMOCKATIC TRIUMPH 



The organization of the Grange or '' Patrons of 
Husbandry " in New Hampshire was not without its 
influence on political parties of the State during this 
and the succeeding campaign. Politicians expected the 
Grange to become ultimately a factor in politics, and 
the leaders of both sides catered for the support of the 
farmer vote. Long before the conventions the Man- 
chester Min'or urged the nomination of a farmer for 
governor by the Republicans. Governor Straw had 
had the customary two terms. A new candidate was 
now to be brought forward by the Republican party. 
Those most prominently mentioned were Luther 
McCutchins, of New London, Charles H. Bell, of Ex- 
eter, Dexter Richards, of Newport, Benjamin F. Pres- 
cott, of Epping, William H. Y. Hackett, of Ports- 
mouth, Natt Head, of Hooksett, David A. Warde, of 
Concord, Benjamin J. Cole, of Gilford, and Larkin 
D. Mason, of Tamworth. McCutchins was favored be- 
cause he was a farmer, the others because they had 
been active in the party and were worthy of recogni- 
tion. Mason was especially urged by some because 
it was thought his activity in behalf of temperance 

303 



304 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

would hold the Prohibition Republicans loyally to the 
party standard. 

The Pearson wing of the Democratic party, whose 
platform continued to be anti-monopoly, advocated 
the nomination of a farmer for governor. This 
brought forward as a candidate Hiram R. Roberts, of 
Rollinsford. 

The Republican State committee met November 20, 
1873, to fix the times and places for holding the sev- 
eral conventions. There was a large attendance at the 
meeting. After the routine work, speeches were made 
by Rollins, Harriman, and Wadleigh. The Monitor 
said of the meeting: 

" Much enthusiasm was manifested and, when Rol- 
lins laid down the proposition that something must be 
done to relieve the country of' its burdens and that our 
Congressional delegation must help repeal the ob- 
noxious salary grab, the applause was loud and pro- 
longed. His suggestion also that the amount of the de- 
ficiency complained of by the internal revenue com- 
missioner in his report might better be obtained by 
reorganizing our banking system and saving the in- 
terest than by a tax on tea and coffee, as suggested by 
the commissioner, seemed also to touch a responsive 
chord. The assertion with which Mr. Rollins closed, 
viz., that the best way to succeed in the coming cam- 
paign is to let the office seek the man, met with un- 
mistakable approbation." 

The Republican convention was held at Concord, 
January 7, 1874. Rollins was absent in New York 



A DEMOCBATIC TRIUMPH 305 

on railroad business, but he wrote Daniel Hall making 
3«ggest>ons as to the platform to be adopted by hf 
con.ent.on. The resolutions reported by the eo JittL 
were accepted without debate in the convention, but 
hey were the subject of much discussion and conten- 

adopted, and there was some apprehension on his part 

four hfn f f '™ "" " '"'^'^* ''"™ ''^^°- Ttere were 
four ballots for governor, a large number of candidates 

recovng votes on the first ballot, those leading being 
Luther McCutchins and Charles H. Bell. The fomef 
won ou the fourth ballot. It was generally regarfed 
by the party as a good nomination, though notTfew 
of the leaders had doubts of its wisdom. These doub I 
were strengthened when the Democratic conventioL 
selected .ts candidates and presented its platform. 

Jhe Democratic Stat* convention was held the next 
day, January 8th. The Democratic newspapers had 
advocated makmg an issue of the liquor question, and 
;n the Democratic platform a plank was inserted favor- 
ing license with local option. The contest for the 
normnation for governor was between Albert R. Hatch 
of Portsmouth, Hiran. R. Roberts, of Rollinsford, and 
James A Weston, of Manchester. The moveme;* in 

that'tb D "■" ''°'*^^ '''' S"-'^ -»!• t-dway 

that the Democratic leaders who were opposed to his 
nomination had great difficulty in controllLg the con- 

ZT, .7 i"^""* ""^ "^-^^'"^ ^ «ff-*^ choice. 
On the first ballot Weston received 240 votes, Roberts 



306 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

230, and Hatch 143. On the second ballot the greater 
part of Hatch's support was transferred to Weston, 
who became the nominee. 

The Prohibitionists had previously renominated the 
Rev. John Blackmer, of Sandwich. After the Repub- 
lican and Democratic conventions were held, the third 
party adherents were stirred to greater activity. The 
Republican plank on the liquor question was regarded 
by them as perfunctory, while the Democrats were 
arrayed in open opposition to the prohibitory law. 
The Prohibitionists, therefore, hoped so to increase 
their strength as to hold the balance of power in the 
State. 

The Republican State committee met for organiza- 
tion January 16th. The Monitor in its report of the 
meeting says : " The chairman, O. C. Moore, of 
N^ashua, called the meeting to order, stated its objects, 
the first being the election of a chairman, and then 
called for an expression of opinion by ballot, indicat- 
ing a cheerful readiness to yield up the chairmanship 
if it was thought best to make a change. Two ballots 
were taken without a choice, Mr. Moore leading and 
Daniel Hall, of Dover, being next in order. On the 
third ballot Mr. Hall was elected. Benjamin F. Pres- 
cott was reelected secretary and Charles H. Roberts, 
of Concord, was chosen treasurer. An executive com- 
mittee consisting of David A. Warde, of Concord, and 
James A. Wood, of Acworth, was then elected to co- 
operate with the chairman. Brief but earnest speeches 
were made by Warde, of Concord, Clarke [John B.], 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 307 

of Manchester, Rollins, of Concord, and J. Horace 
Kent, of Portsmouth." 

Hall reluctantly accepted the chairmanship. The 
margin of victory the year before had been very nar- 
row, a little more than two hundred majority on the 
popular vote for governor. The action of the Demo- 
crats in thi-usting the liquor question into the canvass 
added to the uncertainty. Realizing that it was to be 
a doubtful campaign, urgent appeals had been made 
to both Rollins and Chandler to accept an election to 
the chairmanship of the committee. In a letter to 
Rollins January 14th, Congressman Pike said : 
"Friend Rollins: — You must run the campaign this 
year or we are gone ' where the woodbine twineth.' 
!N^ow make up your mind to take it, and wade in." 

On the same day Chandler wrote Rollins : " I have 
an urgent appeal signed by Henry M. Putney, James 
A. Wood, Cyrus A. Sulloway, and Henry French to 
come home and act as chairman of the committee. I 
wish I could go, but do not see how it could be possible 
even if I were unanimously elected." 

The Democrats reelected George F. Putnam, of War- 
ren, as chairman of their committee, and entered upon 
the campaign with a spirit of confidence. There were 
very few political rallies on either side, the Democrats 
conducting a " still hunt " canvass. A momentary 
gleam of encouragement came to the Republicans from 
the bolt of the Democratic nominee for governor by 
Foster s Democrai, a Democratic newspaper in Dover. 
This newspaper claimed that the party had been be- 



308 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

trayed bj its leaders in preferring Weston to Roberts 
as a candidate, and that corporation influence con- 
trolled the Democratic party. Roberts, however, came 
out in a letter endorsing Weston's nomination, and but 
few Democrats were influenced by the attitude of 
Foster's paper. 

Rollins, in response to Chairman Hall's appeal, 
wrote from his office in Boston many letters to active 
Republicans of the State urging activity and the neces- 
sity for united effort if the election was to be carried. 
In the midst of this campaign Congressman Dawes, 
of Massachusetts, chairman of the appropriations com- 
mittee, made a speech in Congress similar to the one 
he made in 1870, which was considered by the Demo- 
crats as an attack upon the national administration for 
its extravagance in appropriations and expenditures. 
Like his fonner speech, it was spread broadcast over 
the State by the Democratic State committee. Rollins 
was applied to to secure Dawes's services upon the 
stump. He communicated with Chandler in Wash- 
ington, but they were unable to get Dawes to speak. 
Then he telegi'aphed Dawes as follows : 

" The Republicans of Kew Hampshire unanimously 
favor rigid economy and sustain the administration 
of President Grant. Your late speeches have been 
construed by copperheads, soreheads, and pretended 
labor reformers into attacks upon the administration 
and the Republican party, and they say you will refuse 
to speak for the Republican cause in New Hampshire. 
Being as sure of your devotion to the Republican party 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 309 

and to the national administration as we are of your 
determination to reduce appropriations and enforce 
economy, in behalf of the Republican State committee 
I have to earnestly request you to visit and canvass 
New Hampshire before the March election." 

Dawes telegraphed this reply : " I regi'et that my 
engagements make it impossible for me to speak in 
New Hampshire before election for a cause never 
more worthy of support, and never dearer to me than 
now — retrenchment and reform by and through the 
Republican party." 

As the despatch bore date of Dawes's home in Pitts- 
field, Mass., the Democrats construed it as an unwill- 
ingness on his part to appear in the State and explain 
the charges he had made against the administration. 

The following letter to Rollins from Henry W. Blair, 
afterward member of Congress and United States Sen- 
ator, shows the political situation in the State, the 
dangers to Republican success, and the faith of the 
party workers in Rollins's ability to bring victory out 
of defeat. 

" The prospect in our vicinity is rather mixed — 
the general result, I think, cannot be any better than 
last year. The Prohibition party and the license move- 
ment both hurt us, and it will be almost impossible to 
avoid losses upon State and county, and I fear for one 
or two Representatives also. Still we shall do the best 
that can be done. Our standard workers are in the 
field, and, realizing the danger, will do the best to 
avert it. 



310 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

" You make a suggestion as to my personal duty if 
I expect a certain result. That result I do not seriously 
expect in any event, although I should be gratified if 
considered fit for the position and nominated by the 
general and unsolicited preference of the party, but in 
these times the prevalence of new ideas and the class 
prejudices which are being appealed to, and in some 
sections of the country at least aroused, will be very 
likely to lay one of my profession upon the shelf, cer- 
tainly for the present. This, however, is not im- 
portant, for the State will be perhaps better served by 
some hard-fisted farmer — although they won't get a 
man who knows more of the sorrows of the toughest 
sort of hill-farm husbandry than I did until my 
twenty-first year. I hope you will not spare your pen 
during this campaign. Your very extensive acquaint- 
ance throughout the State with the working element 
of the party will enable you to work most effectively 
in furtherance of our cause. There cannot be a single 
town where you may not save and perhaps make us 
votes by a word in season to the right person." 

February 24th Rollins wrote Chandler as follows : 
" I am writing into the State all the letters possible, 
and have a large correspondence. Our people are be- 
ing gradually worked up to the importance of the elec- 
tion, but ' free rum ' on one side and the ultra temper- 
ance men on the other, both fighting the Republicans 
and playing directly into the hands of the enemy, make 
the situation critical. However, I hope we shall worry 
through." 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 311 

A letter from Ithiel E. Clay, of Chatham, in reply 
to one received from Rollins is indicative of the con- 
fidence the party had in his management: "It seems 
like old times in politics to hear from you, although 
I had supposed you were lost to New Hampshire polit- 
ically. As to our town, we hope to come out all right. 
Still many of our men are lukewarm and seem indif- 
ferent as to the result of the election. Those moves 
at Washington one year ago staggered many of our 
thinking laboring men to such a degree that it is dif- 
ficult to make them believe that our rulers care for 
their country as they should. I have never known the 
Democrats to be more active in this town than now. I 
never have had but small personal acquaintance with 
you, but I have received so many communications and 
favors from you that you seem like an old friend with 
whom I have struggled for principles and success of 
which we may well be proud. The Republicans of 
!N^ew Hampshire are much indebted to you for their 
past achievements, and I always shall be glad to hear 
from you and hope ever to keep track of you while life 
lasts. I hope when you get the returns from Chatham 
they will be all right, as well as those from New Hamp- 
shire." 

The election returns from the earliest reports bore 
indications of Democratic victory, and before mid- 
night of the day of the election the Republicans had 
given up the State. There was no choice of governor 
by the people, the Prohibitionists doubling their vote 
of the year previous. The House of Representatives, 



312 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

upon which depended the control of the State, was 
Democratic by at least ten majority. The official vote 
was: Scattering, 40; Blackmer, 2,100; McGutchins, 
34,143; Weston, 35,608. 

Immediately after election Chairman Hall wi'ote 
Rollins : " It seems that we have lost everything — 
governor. Council, Senate, and House. I cannot ex- 
press my mortification at this result. If I had had no 
responsibility beyond that of an ordinary Republican 
fighting in the ranks I should not feel very badly about 
it. But the fortunes of the party and of its individual 
members in office and hoping for office, they will say, 
go down under my mismanagement, and, of course, 
I shall never be forgiven. ]^o general is ever forgiven 
for losing a battle. This is hard to bear, and is about 
as much as I can bear." 

To this Rollins replied: " Yours of the 13th is just 
at hand. I intended to have written you before, but 
this has been an exceedingly busy week with me. An- 
nual meeting, directors' meetings, and signing of bonds, 
with the usual business of the office, have left me no 
time for private correspondence. 

" I feel exceedingly mortified myself, in view of the 
result in ISTew Hampshire, although in looking back 
over the past, I do not see anything that I could have 
done to have changed the result. I have acted each 
day according to the light I had, and I have nothing 
to reproach myself with ; and what I say of my own 
conduct, I feel to be equally true of your own. 

" You have no occasion to reproach yourself in any 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 313 

respect. I can bear willing testimony to your earnest 
efforts for the cause, and think you have labored dis- 
creetly and with great ability. The Republicans of 
ISTew Hampshire owe you a debt of gratitude for the 
determined efforts you have made to save the State. 
It doesn't matter what a few disappointed men say. I 
know, and all must know who have had any oppor- 
tunity to form a correct opinion, that you have done 
everything it was in your power to do, even to the 
sacrifice of your business and personal comfort. 

" I am very anxious indeed to see you, and look 
over the field and see if there is anything that can be 
done for the cause. We must keep our standard well 
advanced and continue the fight. We cannot lug San- 
born contracts and this infernal moiety system with- 
out suffering." 

The Monitor in summing up the causes of Republi- 
can defeat said : " We charge the repulse we have 
suffered to the shortcomings, unavoidable in part there 
is no doubt, of the national government. We were too 
heavily handicapped with Sanborn contracts, Jayne 
and Bingham blackmailings, Western inflation 
schemes, the moiety system, and the failure of Con- 
gress to meet the wants of the masses by legislation 
demanded by the hard times. ... To be sure, the 
course of the Prohibitionists in running a third ticket 
has worked to our injury, but this alone could not 
have prevented the election of McCutchins." 

The Manchester Mirror, while admitting that these 
national issues were not without their influence, at- 



314 LIFE or EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tributed defeat to the liquor interests, which it charged 
with supporting the Democratic party and supplying 
it with funds. 

Whatever the cause that led to Democratic success, 
the completeness of their triumph was admitted. For 
the first time in twenty years that party was to be put 
in full possession of the State government. Moreover, 
by reorganizing the courts, they would control as well 
the State judiciary. They could legislate Republicans 
out of ofiice, appoint Democrats in their places, redis- 
trict the State for Councillors and Senators, change 
the ward lines of cities, take the initiative in legisla- 
tion, and avail themselves of every opportunity to 
fortify their party in power. The outlook for the Re- 
publican party in New Hampshire was the most 
gloomy it had ever been. 

Among the steadfast Republicans of the State whom 
Rollins always relied upon for effective work was Lar- 
kin D. Mason, of Tamworth, for many years judge of 
probate of Carroll County. He was a quaint char- 
acter. An early abolitionist, a prominent temperance 
worker, and an agent of the State during the Civil War 
to look after the soldiers, he had a strong personal 
influence with these elements of the party. Although 
he was not an educated man, his fund of common sense 
and his odd illustrations gave force and pungency to 
his speeches and writings. He was in constant cor- 
respondence with Rollins, and some of his letters are 
quite frank and amusing. In 1872, replying to Rol- 
lins's request for his support for Senator, he said: 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 315 

" I don't know just when I shall go to Boston or 
see you. I remain the same ' Senatorially ' as for- 
merly. I am quiet. I don't have great advantages of 
late to associate with the Republican party. A myste- 
rious Providence interposes. There has not been an 
important meeting of the State committee for a long 
while but has been on the day of probate court in 
Carroll County. Don't understand me to complain 
of Providence. Its ways are mysterious. I have a 
neighbor who is very jealous of me. When we are 
before the people, I always win. So his remedy is to 
have communion with his God and get him to inter- 
pose a special Providence. As he is a man of prayer, 
Providence grants his request and I am not in the 
ring. I have got the hang of Providence so that I am 
able to foretell months beforehand when all our con- 
ventions will come off. !N^att Hubbard will bear me 
witness that I told him as soon as last March that our 
convention to choose delegates to the Philadelphia con- 
vention would come off May 8th. I will now tell you 
when our next State convention will occur. It will 
be the anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans, 
January 8th. The probate court will be held at Con- 
way on the 7th, so of course I cannot meet with the 
State committee if invited, and you must excuse me. 
I hope you will see in this what advantages Providence 
gives the humble Christian who is a man of prayer, and, 
as this old friend will not fail to plead, I prepare my- 
self to submit to Providence. I appreciate your past 
service and hope I will do you no injustice. I will 



316 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

make up my mind by and by what my duty is and then 
try and perform it. Still Providence shuts m© out to 
prevent my doing mischief. Of course it will not re- 
quire of me much good. I think I may see you ere 
this month is out, and I will compare notes with you." 
In the campaign of 1874 the Prohibitionists polled 
the largest vote they had ever polled in the State. It 
was their defection which was one of the causes of the 
defeat of McCutchins. Their vote this year exceeded 
all their other totals by nearly a thousand. Orrin 
C. Moore in the Nashua Telegraph, prior to the Re- 
publican convention of 1874, in mentioning candidates 
for the gubernatorial nomination, had spoken most 
flatteringly of Larkin D. Mason, whose work among 
the ultra temperance Republicans of the State had 
been most effective in holding them in the Republi- 
can party. After the election. Mason felt that, if he 
could have been nominated for governor, the State 
would have been saved, and, in a letter to Rollins, he 
attributed his passing as a gubernatorial candidate to 
the influence of the " clique," namely, Rollins, Chand- 
ler, and Ordway. He also expressed the opinion that 
his nomination would have brought Fogg, Tappan, 
and other disaffected Republicans into more active 
support of the party. ISTeither discouraged nor waver- 
ing in his support of the Republican party, he frankly 
put the case to Rollins that his (Mason's) candidacy 
for governor in 1875 would bring back the disaffected 
and restore the party to power. He asked Rollins's ad- 
vice, and this part of his letter is as follows ; 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 317 

" Now suppose we were just entering upon the new 
campaign, and suppose the Nashua Telegraph should 
present my name as it did last fall, and then suppose 
the ' clique ' should get together, and, instead of 
' cussin' ' Moore for his treason, they should say let us 
try and rally the whole organization and should then 
let some of their more quiet ones succeed Moore. 
Then let some soldiers, who would delight to do it, 
start the ball. Let Fogg, Tappan, and Cogswell, and 
Gove, and Heard, and finally all that host among the 
masses who have perfect confidence in me, come into 
line. Then let the ' clique ' or, if you choose, Ord- 
way, Rollins, Harriman, Hall, and all their allies and 
supporters, quietly, firmly, sincerely, and determinedly 
put their science, skill, and activity into the cam- 
paign. What do you suppose would be the result ? Of 
course, Rollins, you will readily see this is a kind of 
a feeler. I put it forth with the sincere belief that 
some such an arrangement promises the only hope of 
ever developing the full strength of the Republican 
party again. I do not necessarily feel that I must 
have any prominent place, but who is more competent ? 
Something must be done first to recover our lost posi- 
tion, and this something must be a recall of all the 
exiled ones. Please write me, and do not despise the 
day of small things." 

To this letter Rollins replied : " Yours of March 
26th is received and has been perused with great care. 
In looking back over the history of the Republican 
party from its organization in l^ew Hampshire to the 



318 LIFE OF EDWAUD H. ROLLINS 

present moment I can see no reason why I should ob- 
ject to the term ' clique,' and to being reckoned a por- 
tion of the ' clique.' The past must stand, and results, 
at least in my judgment, vindicate my political course 
in New Hampshire. 

" Now as to the gubernatorial nomination — I do 
not know whom all the members of the ' clique ' were 
for. Ordway, I believe, was the only member present 
at the convention, and he was for Natt White. I was 
in New York and can hardly tell what I should have 
done had I been present, but have no idea that I should 
have supported the man who was nominated. Do not 
think the ' clique ' had anything to do with making the 
nomination. I think it would have been better for the 
party had they taken a hand in it and helped shape 
things in a different direction. Had I been at the con- 
vention, I should have supported some worthy man who 
in my judgment would get the most votes. Whether 
it would have been Mason, Bell, or somebody else I 
cannot tell. 

" I notice what you say about Fogg, Tappan, and 
others. Some time before the convention I had a talk 
with these gentlemen, but did not learn from any of 
them that they thought your nomination would be 
stronger than that of almost any other Republican. 
Tappan seemed always to be friendly to McCutchins, 
and talked of him as his candidate. I do not think he 
would have taken any more active part had you been 
nominated. You speak of a meeting of the ' clique ' 
at Concord before the convention, attended by Moore, 



A DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH 319 

Durkee, Harriman, Ohenej, and others. I do not 
think any member of the ' clique ' attended that meet- 
ing. I was not invited. I had heard that there was 
such a meeting, and, while I know that Mr. Moore did 
say something in his paper in favor of your nomina- 
tion, I learned at the time that the judgment of this 
gathering of leaders was in favor of Prescott for gov- 
ernor. One of the gentlemen present told me it was 
perfectly evident that the design of the men in getting 
up this meeting was to shape things for Prescott's 
benefit. They did not mean Mason at all. 

" I was raised an old-fashioned Congregationalist, 
and am rather inclined to believe in foreordination. In 
looking back over the past campaign, it rather strikes 
me that it was foreordained from the beginning that 
the devil would triumph for a time in New Hampshire 
in the shape of the free rum Democracy, and I do not 
think anything could have been done to set aside the 
decrees of the Almighty. It rather looks so to me now. 
It is possible that we have done something worthy of 
stripes and this is our punishment. As to the future, 
I want to see the State in the hands of an honest Re- 
publican party and am willing to do all in my power 
and to make any and all concessions consistent with 
principle that may be required. If the success of the 
good cause can be best secured by nominating the gen- 
tleman from Tamworth for governor, he can have my 
hearty support both before and after the convention, 
but it isn't worth while to look back and fight our old 
battles over again. 



320 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

" What reason have you to believe that your nom- 
ination would ensure the active cooperation of the gen- 
tlemen you have named, particularly of Mr. Gove? 
He seems to have gone over into the Democratic camp. 
What assurance will he give ? Heard has been elected 
by the Democrats. What will he do ? I am in search 
of light and am earnestly seeking a way out of our 
present difficulties. If you can give us any, I will 
listen and follow. I shall be glad to hear from you 
at any time in regard to these matters." 

Another correspondent of Rollins at this period, and 
for years after, was Alfred F. Howard, of Portsmouth, 
who was formerly collector of customs at New Hamp- 
shire's only seaport. Howard is a man of genial per- 
sonality, clear judgment, and resourceful activity. 
Early interested in politics, he has never ceased to do 
his part in political campaigns. For quite a quarter 
of a century his influence has been felt in the councils 
of the Republican party of the State. Few men of 
New Hampshire have so large a circle of devoted 
friends, and few have had opportunity of declining so 
many political honors. From 1870 to Rollins's retire- 
ment from politics Howard was devoted to his interests 
from a conviction that Rollins was one of the most use- 
ful Representatives New Hampshire ever had in Con- 
gress. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 

The Democrats immediately after the election of 
1874 began making preparations for taking charge of 
the State government. Niunerous conferences were 
held to map out the work of the incoming legislature. 
From March until June their leaders met frequently to 
discuss the details of their programme. These gather- 
ings were attended not only by the leaders but by many 
others who looked forward to holding the offices which 
everybody recognized would be made vacant by expira- 
tion of terms or by address of the legislature. Unlike 
the election of 1871, there was no doubt of the ability 
of the party immediately to organize the legislature, 
and much of the work could be anticipated. 

ITever did a party meet in legislative session with 
fairer prospects of a long lease of power and with 
greater confidence in its ability to maintain its hold 
upon the State. Elected to the legislature were their 
most prominent and sagacious leaders. Albert R. 
Hatch, of Portsmouth, an able lawyer, technical in his 
training and practice, was made Speaker of the House, 
while Harry Bingham and John G. Sinclair were to 
lead the party on the floor, assisted by a number of 

321 



322 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

able lieutenants, among whom were Isaac ]^. Blodgett, 
of Franklin, afterward chief justice, Daniel Marcy, of 
Portsmouth, Alvah W. SuUoway and Warren F. 
Daniell, of Franklin, Edwin C. Bailey, of Hopkinton, 
Joseph Burrows, of Plymouth, Joseph Roles, of Os- 
sipee, and Edwin P. Jewell, of Laconia. 

The leaders on the Republican side were James W. 
Emery, of Portsmouth, Edward B, S. Sanborn, of 
Franklin, afterward a Democrat, James F. Briggs, of 
Manchester, and Joshua G. Hall, of Dover, afterward 
Congressmen, John D. Lyman, of Exeter, and J. 
Horace Kent, of Portsmouth. 

In this legislature were two young men, friends of 
Rollins, who were later to come into prominence, 
Hiram A. Tuttle and Henry E. Burnham, the former 
becoming governor in 1891, and the latter United 
States Senator in 1901. Tuttle is a self-made man, 
successful in business, public-spirited, and an inspira- 
tion to every worthy cause. His election as governor 
came after one of the closest contests in j^ew Hamp- 
shire politics, the result not being definitely known 
until the legislature organized. His administration 
was during a period of warfare between railroad cor- 
porations of the State. Yet, with remarkable tact, he 
held the respect and confidence of all parties to the 
controversy, while yielding none of his convictions. 

Burnham's career in politics, until his election to 
the United States Senate, was a generous contribution 
of his services in campaigns where others were person- 
ally interested. An eloquent speaker, he was always 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 323 

in demand upon the stmnp. Liberal and helpful, his 
circle of friends constantly enlarged. Frequently 
urged to become a candidate for office, he persistently 
declined all political honors until the contest was made 
in the campaign of 1900 for the seat in the Senate oc- 
cupied by William E. Chandler. Since his election to 
the Senate those traits which have made him pop- 
ular at home have gained for him the esteem of his 
colleagues in the upper branch of Congress. 

The initiative in the legislature was with the Demo- 
cratic majority, and the Republican minority had 
naught to do but take advantage of the mistakes of 
their opponents. Except on the liquor question, there 
was no change of State policy proposed by the Demo- 
crats, The work of the session early developed the 
purposes of the Democratic leaders to make the most 
of their victory from a partisan standpoint. First 
came the addresses for the removal of Republican of- 
fice-holders, to be followed by the political gerry- 
mander of the State, the reorganization of the courts, 
a fierce railroad controversy arising out of the con- 
solidation of the Nashua and Lowell and Boston and 
Lowell Railroads, and an attempt to pass a license law. 
The session dragged along to the last of July, and, 
when it had adjourned, the Republicans had an issue 
for the next campaign. 

When they came to sum up their legislative work, 
the Democratic leaders had little cause for congratula- 
tion. The party had pledged itself to substitute 
license for prohibition, but was defeated in that prom- 



324 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

ise by Democratic votes. A railroad contest had ar- 
rayed in personal controversy their two most conspic- 
uous leaders, developing a rivalry between them boding 
no good to the party and emphasizing more clearly the 
factional warfare for control of the Democratic or- 
ganization. The Democrats, however, were in posses- 
sion of the State offices. The greater part of the ses- 
sion, which was longer than usual, was taken up with 
partisan work. The courts were reorganized on the 
basis of having both a trial and a law court, a change 
commendable in itself, but giving their opponents op- 
portunity to charge partisan interference with the 
judiciary. The change was made unpopular because 
it was associated with a referee law passed at that ses- 
sion, which failed to meet the expectations of its au- 
thors. The State had been redistricted into Councillor 
and Senatorial districts, a gerrymander which the Re- 
publicans caricatured in maps showing the grotesque 
shape of the districts. The ward lines of several cities 
were changed to obtain party advantage, arousing the 
anger and activity of the Republicans in those locali- 
ties full more than the gerrymander of the Councillor 
and Senatorial districts. That the Democrats acted 
otherwise than the Republicans would have done in 
like circumstances cannot be charged, but there were 
nearly two-thirds of a generation of voters then upon 
the stage to whom partisan work on so grand a scale 
was both a surprise and a novelty. Then the failure 
of the Democratic party to carry out its pledges made 
its partisanship more pronounced. In addition, a clean 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 325 

sweep of officials and the appointment of new men 
afforded opportunity for criticism of the appointees. 
Among so many appointments it would be surprising 
if there were not some incompetent men. Again there 
were the usual disappointments arising out of the se- 
lections made by the governor and Council, where there 
was earnest rivalry for executive favor. Yet, in spite 
of all these things, the party in power had the advan- 
tage of possession and was really stronger than at any 
time since its defeat in 1855. It was, moreover, soon 
to be encouraged by the political tidal wave which 
swept over the country in the fall of 1874, giving the 
Democrats victory in many Eepublican States, and se- 
curing to them possession of the national House of 
Representatives by a two-thirds majority. 

Both sides made immediate preparation for the New 
Hampshire campaign of 1875. Besides the election 
of a governor and legislature, three Congressmen were 
to be chosen. Governor Weston had been four times 
a candidate of the Democratic party, and twice elected. 
Besides having had the compliment of two terms, al- 
though not in succession, he was identified with the 
mistakes of his own administration, and there was no 
movement to present him again as a candidate. The 
farmer candidate of the preceding Democratic conven- 
tion, Hiram R. Roberts, was now successfully pressed 
for the nomination. For Congressional nominations 
Samuel IT. Bell, of Manchester, who had defeated Ste- 
vens in 1871, and been defeated by Pike in 1873, was 
once more nominated in the second district. In the 



326 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

third district Henry O. Kent secured the nomination, 
defeating George F. Putnam, chairman of the Demo- 
cratic State committee, and Horatio Colony, of Keene, 
both of whom were candidates. Kent's nomination 
disaffected some of the old-time Democrats who 
thought he was too recent a convert to the principles 
of the party. In the first district the Democrats pre- 
sented as their candidate Frank Jones, of Portsmouth, 
who was soon to become the controlling force in the 
Democratic party. 

Jones was a rich brewer with many business inter- 
ests outside of his brewery. He was a public-spirited 
citizen who dispensed a large income with a liberal 
hand, contributing generously in political campaigns. 
Although of limited education, he was shrewd and 
sagacious in his knowledge of men. Enjoying the ex- 
citement of politics, he made it his diversion from 
business, and he gradually came to be the dictator of 
the Democratic party in New Hampshire. Jones was 
loyal to his personal friends, whom he drew from both 
political parties. He was active and potential in all 
State affairs, and he took an interest in all that con- 
tributed to the welfare of ISTew Hampshire. His per- 
sonal influence in politics and legislation was so 
marked at one time that his Republican friends were 
classified as " Jones's Republicans." He aspired to 
be governor of his native State, and his nomination 
five years later gave the Republicans an arduous cam- 
paign. During the Cleveland administration, Jones 
dispensed federal patronage in 'New Hampshire, and 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 327 

it is said was offered a seat in Cleveland's Cabinet. 
In 1896, he headed the New Hampshire delegation to 
the Democratic national convention at Chicago. Dis- 
gusted with the platform there adopted, he immedi- 
ately bolted the nomination and openly supported 
McKinley. Four years later he was a delegate at large 
to the Republican national convention at Philadelphia 
which renominated McKinley, and for the remainder 
of his life gave earnest support to Republican policies. 

The Republican leaders were aware of the magni- 
tude of the fight to regain the State, and early began 
to discuss candidates for governor and Congress, and 
to suggest Rollins for chairman of the State com- 
mittee. At a meeting of the committee, December 1, 
1874, to issue the call for the various conventions, 
Austin E. Pike, whose election to Congress two years 
before was secured by a very small majority, promptly 
told the committee that he would relieve the party of 
any embarrassment of renomination to which he was 
entitled by usage if any new candidate would strengthen 
the ticket. He was followed by Luther McCutchins 
and Congressman Small, who made similar declara- 
tions. This gave the party opportunity to make nom- 
inations without regard to precedent, an encouraging 
sign in this emergency. 

As to the gubernatorial candidates, there were many 
minds. Charles H. Bell and Gilman Marston, of 
Exeter, John J. Morrill and Benjamin Cole, of Gil- 
ford, Benjamin F. Prescott, of Epping, James W. 
Emery, of Portsmouth, and others were suggested. 



328 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Earnest appeals were made to Judge Charles Doe, af- 
terward chief justice, to consent to the use of his name, 
without avail. Finally opinion settled upon Person 
C. Cheney, then mayor of Manchester, who had shown 
great popularity in his two candidacies for that office. 

Cheney was one of the most lovable characters in 
public life. His nomination for governor brought him 
into State prominence, and for a quarter of a century 
he was a leader in political campaigns in !N^ew Hamp- 
shire, his influence gradually broadening into national 
politics. He was governor two terms, minister to 
Switzerland, United States Senator by appointment, 
and a member of the national Republican committee 
from 'New Hampshire. These positions came to him 
as the general wish of his party associates without his 
seeking. He filled them all with credit to himself and 
his State. He was intensely patriotic, and gave freely 
of his time and money to promote all public in- 
terests. A large part of the financial burden of the 
campaign of 1875 fell upon him, and he never after- 
ward relieved himself of personal responsibility for 
the success of the Republican ticket. His kindly man- 
ner, his thoughtfulness of others, and his generosity 
were unfailing. His tactfulness and the absence of 
self-seeking in his leadership were factors in many an 
emergency which harmonized differences and promoted 
victory. 

The Republican convention was held January 12th. 
Oilman Marston, of Exeter, presided, and the resolu- 
tions which dealt largely with State affairs were writ- 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 329 

ten and reported by Orrin C. Moore. Before a ballot 
was taken, McCutchins, the candidate for governor 
in the previous campaign, withdrew his name. The 
vote was as follows : Scattering, 10 ; Charles H. Bell, 
241 ; Person C. Cheney, 392 ; and Cheney's nomina- 
tion was made unanimous. 

The Democratic convention had been held January 
5th. The breach between the two Democratic leaders, 
Bingham and Sinclair, which occurred in the legisla- 
ture, was still further emphasized in the convention. 
Bingham was now fully allied with Pearson of the 
People newspaper in opposition to railroad consolida- 
tion, and they had as their candidate for governor 
Hiram P. Roberts, the farmer candidate of the pre- 
vious convention. Sinclair favored the nomination of 
Warren F. Daniell, of Franklin, a popular manufac- 
turer, who was by far the most available candidate, 
and whose selection at that time, it was generally be- 
lieved, would result in his election. At a later date 
Daniell was nominated for Congress by the Democrats, 
and elected, defeating Orrin C. Moore, when the latter 
was a candidate for reelection. In the southern part 
of the State there was a considerable following for 
Frank A. McKean, then the Democratic mayor of 
IN'ashua. The ballot resulted as follows: Scattering, 
21 ; Frank A. McKean, Y9 ; Warren F. Daniell, 240 ; 
Hiram R. Roberts, 34Y. 

Roberts's nomination was made unanimous. The 
resolutions of the convention dealt wholly with na- 
tional affairs. There was not a word in the platform 



330 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

referring to the State administration, or a single ex- 
pression of praise in any of the speeches made at the 
convention of the work of the preceding legislature. 

For Congress the Republicans nominated Charles 
S. Whitehouse, of Rochester, in the first district, 
Henry W. Blair, of Plymouth, in the third district, 
and renominated Austin F. Pike in the second. 

The Prohibitionists had met as usual in convention 
earlier than the other parties, and nominated candi- 
dates for governor and Congress. Nathaniel White, of 
Concord, was their nominee for governor. He was 
a self-made man, who, from driving a stage before 
the days of railroading, drifted into the express busi- 
ness. In this business he accumulated a fortune. He 
was philanthropic, and gave liberally to any cause he 
espoused. He was originally an Abolition Whig, and 
later a Republican. The cause of temperance had in 
him a strong advocate. He had not until this year 
been identified with the Prohibition movement, and 
his nomination now gave no little embarrassment to 
the Republicans. The Prohibitionists hoped to force 
the Republicans to endorse him, and this idea had 
some encouragement among active Republicans. The 
Prohibitionists had polled twenty-one hundred votes 
at the last election. What might they do if White 
were to authorize a campaign regardless of expense, 
which his well-known generosity and earnestness might 
prompt him to do ? While the endorsement of the Pro- 
hibition candidate by the Republicans would have 
been suicidal, it was important that White's nomina- 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 331 

tion should be treated with the respect due to so prom- 
inent a citizen. The Monitor, however, came out with 
an injudicious personal attack upon White, which its 
editor, William E. Stevens, afterward retracted. For 
a time, however, it gave great offence both to White 
and his friends, and threatened to spur him into an 
active candidacy. 

From the very beginning, appeals had been made to 
Rollins to return to the State committee and run the 
campaign. Editor Stevens, in a letter to him dated 
November 11, 1874, said: "Can't you take charge 
of the campaign ? You can win the fight. I fear no 
one else can. Winning it, you cannot again be cheated 
out of your reward." 

These appeals were supplemented by the offer of 
Chairman Hall, of the State committee, to retire in 
Rollins's favor. The latter, however, was unwilling 
to supplant Hall, whose work in the previous campaign 
he believed to have been as efficient as any that could 
have been given. So strong, however, was the opinion 
of the party that he should have the direction of the 
campaign, he did consent to become chairman of the 
executive committee and to give his whole time to the 
canvass. With this understanding Hall accepted the 
chairmanship. In a letter, dated January 16th, Con- 
gressman Pike wrote Rollins as follows: 

" I see that you are chairman of our executive com- 
mittee. Good ! What do you advise to have done to 
throw the full vote in our State ? I certainly hope you 
will be able to give some time to our State this spring. 



332 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

If jour hand is in it, it will bring great confidence to 
our people and be worth a thousand votes to us." 

The Republican State committee had organized im- 
mediately after the adjournment of the State conven- 
tion. Benjamin F. Prescott was reelected secretary, 
and John Kimball, of Concord, chosen treasurer. The 
executive committee consisted of Edward H. Rollins, 
James A. Wood, of Acworth, and George C. Gilmore, 
of Manchester, Soon after the State committee had 
organized, the Monitor said : 

" It will gratify the Republicans of New Hamp- 
shire to know that Edward H. Rollins was elected 
chairman of the executive committee and that he has 
accepted the position, and, in connection with Daniel 
Hall, chairman of the State committee, will run the 
present campaign, a fact which will not be welcome 
news to the Democracy of this State. Mr. Rollins will 
put his best work into this campaign, and the Goths 
and Vandals of the Democracy of this State know what 
that forebodes." 

This was one of the most intense campaigns that 
ever occurred in I^ew Hampshire. Others have been 
more demonstrative in campaign oratory and pyro- 
technic display, but, for individual work and per- 
sonal appeal to the voter, no campaign ever excelled 
it. The following letter from Rollins to John Coburn, 
of Hollis, is a type of many that he wrote to Republi- 
can local leaders, to be supplemented by others as the 
information called for was supplied. 

" Yours is received. I regret that the report from 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 333 

your town is not more encouraging. Our friends must 
rouse themselves and save Hollis. Give me the names 
of the most active Republicans in the town. Let me 
know who are at work, and who may be relied upon 
to push the campaign vigorously. We can't afford to 
spare Hollis. The House will be very close, and we 
shall have no votes to waste. Confer with our friends. 
See what can be done, and let me hear from you forth- 
with." 

Republicans were urged to select their strongest can- 
didates for the legislature, as Rollins recognized that 
the result of the election would hinge on the control 
of that body. If it was learned at headquarters that 
any particular Republican could be more easily elected 
than another, Rollins immediately communicated with 
him urging him to sacrifice all personal interests by 
becoming a candidate, and to all aspirants in that town 
urging them to postpone their ambitions for just this 
one time that there might be no doubt about the result 
in the State. To James W. Emery, of Portsmouth, 
he wrote as follows: 

" I have not forgotten what you said to me a few 
days since in my office, namely, that you can be elected 
Representative from Ward 1, Portsmouth. Neither 
have I forgotten what I said in reply that we would 
take care of the State if you would do it. Now will 
you pull off your coat, wade in, and take that ward 
away from Frank Jones ? If you should do this, you 
would be covered all over, forty feet thick, with glory. 
The fact that you have been Speaker would help you 



334 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

in the race, with the probability of reelection, and it 
seems to me that for the credit of the State, and for 
the glory of Zion, Ward 1 would stand by you. Things 
are looking well in the State. Our people were never 
more in earnest or more determined to win the fight 
than now, and, if you will take hold of this matter 
earnestly, it would encourage our friends in all the 
other wards in Portsmouth, and in all the region 
round where we need every vote, to elect our candidate 
for State Senator. Now, Emery, ' mount the walls, 
blow the trumpet till your cheeks crack,' and lead on 
to victory." 

In the same strain he wrote to Congressman Small, 
urging him to become a candidate for the legislature 
from Newmarket, and to Nehemiah G. Ordway, who 
would cease to be sergeant-at-arms of the national 
House of Representatives as soon as the Democrats 
attained power, to become a candidate for the legisla- 
ture from Warner. No event however small, likely to 
have an influence on the campaign, escaped Rollins's 
attention. It was reported to him that ex-Governor 
Straw was to leave for Florida about a week before 
election on account of his health. He immediately 
wrote Cheney: 

" I think it is perfectly wicked that Straw should 
go away under the circumstances. You stood by him, 
and he should not desert you. It looks like giving up 
the ship for him to go away just at this time. It will 
be only necessary for him to remain here a little more 
than a week longer. I want to call your attention be- 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 335 

forehand to the disheartening effect which it will have 
all over the State when it is announced that Mr. Straw 
has gone to Florida, The Democrats will say that he 
has given up the fight and expects you to be beaten. 
You must look this thing squarely in the face. I think 
it is your duty to state to him frankly what must be 
the inevitable influence of his departure at this time." 

Straw left for the South before election, and the 
construction put upon his departure by the Democrats 
was as Eollins predicted. They charged that he went 
away to avoid voting the Republican ticket. 

The Prohibition vote was an important factor in 
this campaign. It had doubled in the previous cam- 
paign and was at that time nearly sufficient to defeat 
an election of governor by the people. To win some 
of these back to the Republican fold from which most 
of them had departed was one of the tasks before the 
Republican State committee. White, the Prohibition 
candidate for governor, who was at heart a loyal Re- 
publican, was appealed to by Rollins not only to make 
his canvass perfunctory but also to aid the Republicans 
by advising his Prohibition friends to support the Re- 
publican legislative ticket in the close wards and towns 
of the State. This with commendable self-sacrifice 
he did, and so successfully, that his vote at the elec- 
tion was only about one-third that of the Prohibition 
candidate for governor the year before, while his per- 
sonal influence saved several close towns to the Re- 
publicans. 

The campaign was aggressively personal in the 



336 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

attacks made upon the Democratic candidate for 
governor, but it is doubtful if these attacks cost him 
any Democratic votes. He polled the full strength 
of his party, but, unlike his competitor for the nom- 
ination, Warren F. Daniell, he had no personal fol- 
lowing among Republicans to draw from. For the 
first time in many years the Republicans made their 
canvass largely on State issues, dwelling upon the in- 
creased cost of Democratic administrations, the ex- 
traordinary length of the legislative session, the 
character of its work, and the failure of the Demo- 
cratic party to redeem its pledges. The Democrats 
made vigorous defence and attacked the Republicans 
on their administration of national affairs, holding 
up as a spectre the probability of President Grant seek- 
ing a third term, and receiving it at the hands of his 
party. The great Democratic victories throughout the 
covmtry the fall before gave an impetus to the Demo- 
cratic campaign that fully offset any party disappoint- 
ment at the failings of the Democratic State adminis- 
tration. Toward the close of the canvass, the Demo- 
cratic leaders roused the enthusiasm of their followers 
by the character of the campaign speakers they brovight 
into the State. Among these were Gen, eTohn B. Gor- 
don, of Georgia, Lucius Q. C, Lamar, of Mississippi, 
Edgar K. Apgar, of New York, John K. Tarbox and 
Augustus O. Brewster, of Massachusetts. Their cam- 
paign was well-managed by George F. Putnam, who 
was reelected chairman of the State committee, and 
the morning of election they were confident of success. 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 337 

On the Republican side the local speakers were assisted 
by Congressman Eugene Hale, of Maine, Julius C. 
Burrows, of Michigan, Frederick Douglass, of Wash- 
ington, D. C, and John L. Swift, of Boston. 

Not all Republicans of the State were imbued with 
Rollins' s confidence that j^ew Hampshire could be 
redeemed. Some were for making the best fight pos- 
sible to keep the organization intact with a view to 
making the real contest in the Presidential year, 1876. 
This view was shared by many Republicans outside 
the State, and it was with the greatest difiiculty that 
speakers and assistance from other States could be 
obtained. Rollins, in his correspondence, frequently 
referred to the contest as " desperate," and a large 
share of his time was given to stimulating by letter 
and by personal appeal the activity of leading Repub- 
licans in the close towns. In the candidate for gov- 
ernor he had a most efficient helper whose arduous 
labors contributed greatly to the result obtained. Such 
reports as came from the Democrats reported them as 
confident of carrying the legislature, the first and third 
Congressional districts, with the second district and the 
governor in doubt. In the first district there was 
strong suspicion that Whitehouse was not being loyally 
supported by some of the leading Republicans who 
were openly charged with promoting Jones's election. 
Some of these men were Rollins's personal friends. 
As soon as these charges were brought to his attention, 
he wrote to one of them as follows : 

" It is reported to us that Oliver Wyatt, Charles M. 



338 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Murphy, and a great many others of our personal 
friends are going to support Jones. Now it needs no 
prophet to foretell what will be the result if this course 
IS carried out. If these men living in your city vote 
for Jones, it will compromise you beyond all question, 
no matter whether you can influence them or not. 
Now you must go to all such men yourself at once, 
lay the case before them and urge them to stand up 
square to the work. If Whitehouse is defeated by 
people voting in this way, the effect of it will reach 
far into the future and come back to plague the in- 
ventors. The report that these men are thus going 
to^ vote is doing more to lose us the State than any- 
thing else. It is demoralizing our forces fearfully, 
and disaster may come to us all by reason of it. You 
know I am not needlessly alarmed. I am writing, I 
think, with a full knowledge of the situation. While 
I write thus frankly for the good of the cause, I have, 
as I think, a most sincere desire to promote your per- 
sonal welfare." 

The election returns were awaited at both party 
headquarters with feverish anxiety. Before the Re- 
publican State committee adjourned for the night of 
election, it was apparent that there was no choice 
of governor by the people, and that the Republicans 
had carried the legislature. The Congressional dis- 
tricts remained in doubt for several days. When the 
complete returns were received, they showed the elec- 
tion of Jones and Bell, Democrats, in the first and 
second districts, and Blair, Republican, in the third. 



EOLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 339 

The vote for governor was : Scattering, 19 ; Nathaniel 
White, 777; Hiram R. Eoberts, 39,121; Person C. 
Cheney, 39,293. 

It was a great victory considering all the circum- 
stances surrounding the contest. That it was due to 
Rollins's genius in marshalling the party is conceded 
by all who had part in the campaign. The chairman 
of the committee, Daniel Hall, whose work in this 
canvass is deserving of the highest praise, with entire 
self-abnegation pays this tribute to Rollins's manage- 
ment in a letter dated October 12, 1903. 

" My first campaign as chairman of the Republican 
State committee was in 1874 and was lost. The Demo- 
crats carried the State and put us in a very bad posi- 
tion for the contest of 1875. I think it was the most 
desperate fight we ever had in New Hampshire, and 
Rollins was the Ajax Telamon of the struggle. All 
his political genius, energy, and resource as a cam- 
paigner were freely given, and for whatever was 
achieved in the campaigns of 1875 and 1876 he is 
entitled to more credit than anybody else. As chair- 
man of the committee, I was in the closest intimacy 
with him, and had all the benefit of his experience, 
skill, advice, and guidance. No extravagance of praise 
or eulogy can overstate the services of Edward H. Rol- 
lins to the Republican party of New Hampshire and 
the Union." 

The campaign did not close with the election. The 
official returns showed that the Republicans had at 
least nine majority in the House of Representatives, 



340 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

that five Republican and five Democratic Senators had 
been elected, and that in two districts, the second and 
fourth, there was no choice. The Democrats were loth 
to concede the State, and for several weeks vague 
rumors were current that a sufficient number of con- 
tests would be made over the certificates issued to 
•Republican candidates for the House of Representa- 
tives to enable the Democratic clerk of the previous 
legislature, who made up the roll of the incoming 
legislature, to put a majority of Democrats on that 
roll. 

The Republican suspicions up to this point con- 
cerned the organization of the House, but on April 
21st, the Mofiitor refers to a story appearing in an 
associated press despatch from Manchester to the Bos- 
ton papers that the vote of Natt Head, the Republican 
candidate for State Senator in District l^o. 2, is to 
be rejected by the governor and council because his real 
name is Nathaniel and not ISTatt, and that the vote for 
the Prohibition candidate for Senator in District No. 
4, Arthur Deering, is for an ineligible candidate and 
not to be counted. This was the first intimation the 
Republicans had of the Democratic programme to con- 
trol the Senate, and which was afterward known as 
" The Senate Steal of New Hampshire." The votes 
in these two Senatorial districts, as shown by the offi- 
cial returns, were as follows : 

District No. 2: James Priest, 3,834; Natt Head, 
3,7Y1 ; Joshua C. Merrill, 95 ; Scattering, 6. 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 341 

District JSTo. 4: John Proctor, 3,495; George E. 
Todd, 3,454; Arthur JDeering, 46; Scattering, 18. 

The ground taken by the Democrats for rejecting 
the vote cast for Natt Head was a statute of the State 
which read as follows : 

" The full Christian and surname of every person 
voted for with the initial letter or letters of the middle 
name and the usual abbreviations for junior, second, 
third, and the like shall be written or printed upon 
every ballot, and every ballot not thus prepared and 
cast shall be regarded as a blank and not counted." 

The basis for rejecting the votes cast for Arthur 
Deering in the fourth district was that he had not been 
a continuous resident of the State for seven years as 
provided by the State constitution for State Senators, 
and therefore ineligible as a candidate. Rejecting the 
votes for ISTatt Head in the second, and Arthur Deering 
in the fourth, would give James Priest and John Proc- 
tor, the Democratic candidates, a majority in each 
district. 

It was the duty of the governor and Council to can- 
vass the returns from the towns and issue certificates 
to those candidates for Senator who appeared on the 
face of the returns to be elected. Governor Weston 
and the Democratic majority of the Council would 
have this duty to perform. 

The report that the Democratic leaders would urge 
the governor and Council to reject the votes cast for 
Natt Head and Arthur Deering was immediately 
denounced by the Republicans as an outrage and a 



342 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

usurpation. They took the ground that the governor 
and Council in canvassing election returns were merely 
clothed with ministerial duties and must issue certifi- 
cates to those only who appeared on the face of the 
returns to he elected. To the Democrats the report 
came as an escape from total defeat in the State elec- 
tion, for, if the Ser.ate remained Democratic, there 
could be no removal of Democratic office-holders, no 
redistricting of the State, and no change of the ward 
lines in cities. Nothing in the canvass for votes at the 
election equalled in intensity and feeling the campaign 
which was now made to secure results, and interest 
in the outcome soon extended beyond State lines. A 
dual State government seemed imminent, for the Dem- 
ocrats were determined that these votes should be 
rejected, and the Republicans were equally determined 
not to submit to what they considered a usurpation 
by the governor and Council. 

Rollins had been active and vigilant in seeing that 
the tOAvn clerks issued certificates to the Republican 
Representatives-elect, and in stirring up the Repub- 
lican leaders to stand firm in demanding their rights 
so long as there was suspi^'on of the Democrats at- 
tempting to organize the House. Now his attention 
was turned to the Senate, and he outlined to Hall the 
course to be followed by the Republicans in resist- 
ing the Democratic programme. In a letter to him. 
May 8th, he said: 

" Charles P. Sanborn was here and reports that the 
impression is gaining ground that the Democrats in- 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 343 

tend to push through their scheme of villainy. In fact, 
I think there is no doubt about it, and we must be 
prepared for them. I think you had better see Doe 
and have him prepare a proper protest for Councillor 
Lovell to present and have spread upon the records if 
they attempt this thing. There is no time to be lost, 
and Doe can present the case the best of any man in 
the State, and this protest will form the basis of our 
discussion hereafter. It is evident that we have got 
to make a fight, and we must start right. All may 
depend upon that. I think you should also write to 
General Marston and have him present, and secure all 
the legal force advisable and have them at Concord 
on Wednesday night. I think you had better go to 
Concord Monday and remain there to engineer mat- 
ters. Sanborn will be there and, of course, Tappan. 
See if Doe does not advise that Lovell demand of the 
governor and Council that the question be submitted 
to the court." 

Judge Doe's views of the situation, and the legal 
course to be pursued, are set forth in two letters of Hall 
to Rollins. In the first he says : 

" I called on Doe yesterday. He is all right in 
sentiment, agrees with us on all the legal questions, 
and is in favor of maintaining our rights at every 
hazard, even coolly contemplates a double-headed State 
government. He don't want to be chief justice, says 
he won't and don't think it best to disturb the courts. 
He is in favor of Ordway for Speaker, and of decisive 



344 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

action in every respect. Did you know Grant was 
considering his name for Attorney-General ? " 

After the decision of the governor and Council, 
Hall wrote Rollins : " Doe is of opinion that the con- 
vention may ascertain vacancies for themselves and 
legally fill them. This is very important. If it be so, 
we have only to carry the House to march straight to 
the control of the Senate." 

Charles Doe was not then on the bench, having been 
legislated off by the Democratic legislature of 1874. 
He was one of the ablest jurists the State ever pro- 
duced, and some of his opinions after he became chief 
justice, in 1876, obtayied a world-wide reputation. He 
simplified the practice of the New Hampshire courts, 
sweeping ruthlessly aside all technicalities in his en- 
deavor to do justice to litigants. His conteinpt for 
formalities was pronounced, whether in court or 
at hearings outside, and it was no uncommon occur- 
rence for him to give audience to counsel, and hear 
petitions wherever he happened to be found. Disclaim- 
ing all interest or even knowledge in public affairs 
except as they concerned the court, he, nevertheless, 
managed to convey his views on important public meas- 
ures to the political leaders of the State. During his 
life he wielded a great influence in ]^ew Hampshire. 
His friendship for Rollins dated from their boyhood 
days, and he watched with interest Rollins's rise in 
political life. Many efforts were made at various 
times to induce him to accept nominations for polit- 
ical office, but without avail. During President 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 345 

Arthur's administration he was urged for appointment 
to the United States Supreme Bench, a position for 
which he was preeminently fitted. 

When it was necessary for some one to take responsi- 
bility, Rollins did not hesitate to take it, and, regard- 
less of the indifference or weakness of others, his atti- 
tude always remained firm. Writing Hall, May 11th, 
he said : " Yours of the 9th inst. came to hand last 
evening. I sympathize with you fully in your troubles. 
The fact is, a great many of the Republicans in 'New 
Hampshire do nothing but leave the work for a few 
men. It is getting to be a burden too grievous to be 
borne. You must stir them up. Write to such lawyers 
as you want and can reach by letter, and telegraph 
others. Take the full responsibility yourself. Have 
everybody there and we will see you through all right. 
I will stand by you to the end. I am satisfied the 
Democrats mean mischief. Good pluck must be shown, 
and a bold front, leaving nothing to chance. Wish I 
could be with you. Doe is a trump. He has done a 
big thing." 

Both the Republican and Democratic State commit- 
tees were in frequent consultation, and there were 
almost daily conferences of leading Republicans with 
Rollins in Boston. Able counsel was secured on both 
sides. The governor and Council met Thursday, May 
12th, to canvass the vote for Senators. After the argu- 
ments had been made, the Republican Councillor 
moved that the questions raised be referred to the 
Supreme Court for an opinion. This motion was 



346 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

amended by a proviso that such opinion must be 
obtained before the following Monday at 3 p, m. ; 
otherwise the governor was instructed to get such ad- 
vice as the circimistances might admit. As amended 
this motion was passed by the vote of the four Demo- 
cratic Councillors. Although the Supreme Court was 
at that time composed of two Democrats and one 
Republican, the Republicans felt confident that its 
opinion, if given, would sustain their position that the 
governor and Council had merely ministerial duties to 
perform, and had no right to pass upon the eligibility 
of candidates for Senators. 

Governor Weston personally consulted the chief jus- 
tice of the Supreme Court, who took the position that 
it was impracticable to convene the court and give an 
opinion in the limited time between Friday morning 
and Monday afternoon. Therefore, when the gov- 
ernor and Council again convened, they proceeded to 
canvass the votes, rejecting those cast for Natt Head 
and Arthur Deering, and issuing certificates of elec- 
tion to James Priest and John Proctor. Seven Demo- 
crats and five Republicans now held certificates of 
election as Senators, giving the Democrats control of 
the State Senate. The contest, however, was not 
ended. If the Republicans controlled the House, that 
body could refuse to recognize the Democratic Senate. 
On the other hand, Governor Weston would continue 
in the executive chair until the legislature fully organ- 
ized and chose his successor. Supported by Judge 
Doe's opinion, Rollins, Chandler, and others were in 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 347 

favor of having the five Kepublican Senators holding 
certificates of election meet with the Republican House 
as a convention, canvass the votes for State Senators, 
declare no election in the two disputed districts as 
appeared on the face of the returns, and fill the vacan- 
cies by the election of Head and Todd. If this course 
had been followed, a dual State government would, of 
course, have been the outcome of such action. In addi- 
tion there was difficulty in carrying out this pro- 
gramme, as the election returns were in the hands of 
the Democratic Secretary of State. 

Party interest increased as the day for the assem- 
bling of the legislature approached. Each party deter- 
mined to maintain its position regardless of conse- 
quences. ISTewspaper utterances were vehement and 
sometimes incendiary. It was asserted on the Demo- 
cratic side that Governor Weston as commander-in- 
chief of the State militia would protect the Democratic 
seven in their possession of the Senate Chamber. By 
the Republicans it was contemplated that it might be 
necessary to appeal to President Grant to recognize 
their organization as the legal State government. Be- 
tween the time of the issuing of the certificates by the 
governor and Council, and the meeting of the legisla- 
ture, the leaders of both parties were in an anxious 
frame of mind. Each side waited for the other, but 
the legislature met without any act on the part of 
either that would precipitate violence. 

At the Republican legislative caucus, Charles P. 
Sanborn, of Concord, was nominated for Speaker of 



348 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the House, defeating N'ehemiah G. Ordway and John 
D. Lyman, of Exeter, who were also candidates. San- 
bom became the most popular Speaker who ever pre- 
sided over a ]^ew Hampshire legislature, although his 
tenure of office was in a stormy partisan period. He 
had a keen mind, a pleasing address, great tact, and 
a thorough knowledge of parliamentary practice, 
Nature had generously endowed him, and, had he in- 
clined, he might have led at the bar or in politics. His 
political ambition, however, did not extend beyond 
this position, which he filled to the satisfaction of both 
political parties. 

The Republican Senatorial caucus, which included 
Head and Todd, who had not received certificates of 
membership, nominated George H. Stowell, of Clare- 
mont, for President of the Senate. Stowell is one of 
the " Old Guard," who is still active and influential 
in the politics of the State. The Democrats renomi- 
nated Albert R. Hatch as Speaker of the House, and 
the seven Democrats with Senatorial certificates nomi- 
nated John W. Sanborn, of Wakefield, for president of 
that body. 

John W. Sanborn, or " Uncle John," as he was 
familiarly known in the State, was a born leader of 
men, and for more than a quarter of a century his 
influence was marked in the politics of New Hamp- 
shire. From being superintendent of the Eastern 
Railroad of New Hampshire he grew to be the legis- 
lative agent, flrst, of that road, and later, of the con- 
solidated Boston and Maine. He entered politics as 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 349 

a Democrat, and so continued until 1896, when he 
became a Republican. In protecting the railroad 
interests with which he was connected he gradually 
assumed the direction of the Democratic party by his 
influence over its leaders. Later his power was felt in 
Republican councils, and for a time his advice was 
potentially and impartially bestowed upon both. He 
was a most prominent figure at every political conven- 
tion assembled at the capital, and no legislative ses- 
sion was complete without his presence. He was a 
born diplomat, and he maintained his prestige until 
within a few years of his death. One source of his 
strength was the fact that he never used his power for 
his own personal gain. The interest of the railroad 
with which he was allied was always the primary con- 
sideration of all his actions. 

The five Democratic Senators with Priest and Proc- 
tor organized a Senate in the Senate Chamber, voting 
for o 3hn W. Sanborn as president, who was declared 
elected. The five Republican Senators protested, and 
refused to vote. The Democrats then completed their 
organization, and sent a notification to the House, 
which the latter body ignored. The five Republican 
Senators withdrew, and, with Head and Todd, organ- 
ized a Senate, electing Senator Stowell as president. 
This body notified the House of its organization as a 
Senate, which notification the House received. Im- 
mediately after the organization of the House a reso- 
lution was introduced asking the opinion of the court 



350 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

on the disputed questions. This resolution was passed 
after some debate. The Democratic Senators also pre- 
sented the question in dispute to the court, but in an- 
other form. Both parties then rested on their arms 
awaiting the opinion of the court. This opinion came 
the following week in communications addressed to 
both the House and the Democratic Senate, and signed 
by all the judges. In its communication to the Senate, 
the court said: 

" We have, in reply to a resolution of the House of 
Representatives, declined to express our opinion upon 
a past and completed act of the executive department 
of the government, performed in the discharge of a 
duty expressly required of that department by the con- 
stitution, upon the ground that such opinion, if given, 
would have no gi-eater weight or authority than a 
criticism of one branch of the government upon the 
conduct of another coordinate branch, and such official 
act on the part of the justices of this court would not 
be consistent with the grave duties imposed upon them 
by the constitution of the State." 

The position taken by the court was a surprise to 
both sides, but was accepted by the Democrats as a 
confirmation of their position. It was bitterly de- 
nounced by the Republicans as a cowardly evasion of 
duties imposed upon the court by the constitution, and 
was regarded by them as an additional justification for 
reorganizing the courts when they again obtained 
power. There was nothing, however, for the Republi- 



ROLLINS AGAIN AT THE HELM 351 

cans to do but submit, unless they were prepared to 
resort to arbitrary proceedings which would undoubt- 
edly result in the establishment of a dual State gov- 
ernment. 



CHAPTEK XIX. 

KOLLINS'S ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 

The campaign of 1876 began while the legislature 
of 1875 was in session. To add to its interest, there 
was a United States Senator to be elected from New 
Hampshire to succeed Aaron H. Cragin, whose term 
expired with the sitting Congress. The party carry- 
ing the legislature of 1876 would secure this prize. 
Both parties, therefore, were stimulated to put forth 
their best efforts, and the leaders were early at work 
organizing their forces for the conflict. Daniel Hall, 
the chairman of the Eepublican State committee, asked 
to be relieved of the burden of another campaign, and 
desired to resign at once so that a new chairman might 
immediately begin his labors. The duties of the chair- 
man had continued almost without interruption for 
nearly a year, and Hall pleaded that his private 
affairs needed his attention. Kollins protested, and 
finally secured from him consent to serve through 
another campaign. 

Hall was well equipped for the position, although 
inclined to depreciate his own abilities. He is a 
man of scholarly tastes, and a ready and graceful 
writer. His public addresses and writings show 

362 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 353 

care in preparation and extensive information. He 
is recognized as a man of marked ability, and at one 
time he aspired to a public career, being a candidate 
for Congress in the first district. Had he succeeded 
in his ambition, the State would have had reason to 
be proud of him, but he had no taste for the prelimi- 
nary canvassing so essential where rival ambitions con- 
flict. He was RoUins's friend, and was appointed 
naval officer of customs at Boston for two terms while 
Rollins was United States Senator. It was at the 
time of his first appointment that the final contest 
was made between the New Hampshire and Massa- 
chusetts delegations in Congress for the control of 
this office. The result was that this position has con- 
tinued ever since as a part of the federal patronage 
of New Hampshire. 

The story of the campaign of 1876 is but a repeti- 
tion of that of the previous year. There was the same 
systematic work and the same anxiety over the out- 
come. The Republican party, however, was in a better 
state of discipline, and its members eager for the con- 
test. The party was determined to win such a victory 
that no disputed question should imperil the result. 
To this end the most skilful leadership was demanded. 
Jealousies were put aside, and all united in asking 
Rollins to take the supervising direction of the cam- 
paign. 

The Republican State convention was held January 
5, 1876. Orrin C. Moore presided, and delivered one 
of his masterly addresses, which plainly set forth the 



354 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

issues of the campaign. Daniel Hall reported the reso- 
lutions, which, after dealing with national affairs, 
arraigned Governor Weston and his Council, charging 
them with an open, palpable usurpation of power, and 
as guilty of an overt encroachment of the executive 
department upon the legislative branch of the govern- 
ment, and a deliberate subversion of the electoral 
rights of the qualified voters of the State. Governor 
Cheney was renominated by acclamation. 

The Democratic State convention met January 12, 
18Y6, William W. Bailey, of Nashua, presiding. 
Hiram R. Roberts having declined a renomination 
for governor, Daniel Marcy, of Portsmouth, was nom- 
inated. The resolutions were reported by William 
Butterfield, of Concord, fonner editor of the Patriot^ 
a virile writer, whose pen for years had been at the 
service of the Democratic party. Butterfield never 
made any half-hearted defence of his party and its 
principles. He was a man of strong convictions and 
aggressive action. Through his loyalty to Pierce's suc- 
cessors in control of the party, he suffered both finan- 
cially and in prestige after the Pearson family estab- 
lished a rival newspaper at the capital. He was one 
term Secretary of State, being elected when the Demo- 
crats secured control in 1874. His resolutions on 
State matters boldly met the challenge of the Republi- 
can party, and both defended the Democratic posi- 
tion and denounced that of the Republicans. 

The Prohibition party still kept up its organization, 
although attracting little interest. Asa S. Kendall, of 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 355 

Swanzey, was nominated for governor at a convention 
held November 10, 1875. 

The campaign for the most part was conducted along 
the lines of the resolutions of the Republican and Dem- 
ocratic parties on State matters. The Democrats were 
in control of the lower branch of Congress, and the 
session had hardly begun before occurred that cele- 
brated debate between Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia, 
and James G. Blaine, of Maine, regarding the conduct 
of the Civil War and the treatment of prisoners of 
war by the Union and Confederate forces. Marcy, the 
Democratic candidate for governor, had been in Con- 
gress during the Civil War, and his record there was 
made a prominent part of the canvass. On the other 
hand, the Democrats were encouraged just before elec- 
tion by the exposure and impeachment of William W. 
Belknap, Secretary of War, for his complicity in grave 
irregularities in that department. Fears were enter- 
tained by the Republican leaders of its effect upon the 
'New Hampshire election. At any other time, it would 
have cost the Republican party some votes, but, over- 
shadowing the intensity of national issues, was the 
feeling of the Republicans that the action of Governor 
Weston and his Council must be rebuked, and this was 
the controlling factor in the campaign, which resulted 
in the reelection of Governor Cheney by the people, 
and the control of both branches of the legislature by 
the Republicans. The vote for governor was: Scat- 
tering, 14; Asa S. Kendall, 411: Daniel Marcy, 
38,133; Person C. Cheney, 41,761. 



356 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

The Democrats held but few political rallies in this 
campaign, and had no outside speakers. The Republi- 
cans were assisted by William P. Frye and Eugene 
Hale, of Maine, Richard Oglesby, of Illinois, James 
A. Garfield and Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio, Julius C. 
Burrows and E. W. Andrews, of Michigan, A. E. 
King, of Maryland, Henry O. Pratt, of Iowa, and S. 
W. Tenney, of New York. 

After election, the Monitor said of Rollins : " With- 
out a superior anywhere as an organizer and leader, 
he has, as the head of the executive committee, put all 
his energies, all his thoughts, into this campaign from 
the outset. Indeed he may be said to have kept up the 
fight continuously for two years. The outrage of last 
June, which robbed him of a portion of his well-earned 
victory, did not discourage him. On the contrary, it 
gave him new strength, new determination, and he has 
from that hour to the present brouglit all his splendid 
powers of organization, his foresight, his aggressive 
habit, his pluck, and his great experience to bear on 
the enemy, and the Portsmouth Chi-onicle is right 
when it says, ' If any feeling of gi*atitude for the 
splendid victory is uppermost in Republican hearts 
to-day, it is due him for his zealous persistence and 
untiring efforts to accomplish the grand results.' " 

ISTot all the Republican leaders felt the same as edi- 
tor William E. Stevens, of the Monitor, in regard to 
the credit for the victory. Orrin C. Moore, in his 
newspaper, the Nashua Telegraph, said : " No one man 
and no set of men won the victory. We doubt if any 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 357 

one man or set of men was essential to its achieve- 
ment, although, as we have heretofore said, individ- 
uals performed signal, laborious, and valuable service." 

The Manchester Min^or said : " Great credit is due 
to Daniel Hall, the efficient, laborious, and untiring 
chairman of the State committee, to Edward H. Rol- 
lins, the skilful and active organizer, and to all their 
willing helpers in the State and county organizations," 
etc. ; but that paper placed " first and foremost," Per- 
son C. Cheney, the candidate for governor, and added : 
" It is no disparagement to any other to say of him 
that he eclipsed any leader we ever had in devotion 
to the cause, in cheerfulness, courage, in the belief that 
right would triumph, and in the power of imparting 
the same spirit to his followers." 

The Democratic newspapers, while crediting Rollins 
with the generalship of the victory, fostered all efforts 
to defeat his candidacy for the Senate. If he were 
defeated in his ambition at this time, the Democratic 
party hoped for his elimination from the politics of 
the State. 

The legislature chosen at this election contained a 
considerable number of prominent Republicans of the 
State. Three members were candidates for the United 
States Senate, Aaron F. Stevens and Orrin C. Moore, 
of Nashua, and Levi Barton, of l^ewport. Oilman 
Marston was returned from Exeter, but he does not 
appear to have sought at this time the Senatorial 
nomination. One of his colleagues from the town of 
Exeter, Horace S. Cummings, was a pronounced chara- 



358 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

pion of Rollins. Cummings made a marked impres- 
sion upon the legislature, and, had he remained in the 
State, would have attained to political leadership. The 
city of Manchester sent to the House David Cross, 
then in the prime of his activity, Elijah M. Topliff, 
later chairman of the Republican State committee, 
William P. Newell, Nathan P. Hunt, and George C. 
Gilmore, all leading and influential men. The Con- 
cord delegation, which was a unit for Rollins, was ex- 
ceptionally strong. Besides the Speaker of the House, 
Charles P. Sanborn, there were Oliver Pillsbury, for 
a long time insurance commissioner, Moses Humphrey, 
Benjamin P. Gale, Horace A. Brown, and Stillman 
Humphrey, all four honored by elections as mayors of 
the city, John Ballard, Joseph C. A. Hill, M. W. Dick- 
erman, and John C. Kilburne. At no time were so 
many leading Republicans friendly to Rollins elected 
to the legislature as this year. ISTehemiah G. Ordway 
was returned from Warner, while others to be men- 
tioned were David H. Goodell, of Antrim, and Charles 
H. Sawyer, of Dover, two future governors of the 
State, William M. Weed, of Sandwich, Charles J. 
Amidon, of Hinsdale, Edward Gustine, of Keene, 
Prank P. Brown, of Whitefield, Wyman Pattee, of 
Enfield, Augustus A. Woolson, of Lisbon, afterward 
Speaker, Timothy Kaley, of Milford, Charles Scott, 
of Peterboro, William S. Pillsbury, of Londonderry, 
John Wheeler, of Salem, O. B. Warren and S. C. 
Meader, of Rochester, and Edwin G. Eastman, of 
Grantham, afterward attorney-general of the State. 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 359 

The Presidential campaign immediately enlisted 
public attention. The third term spectre had now 
faded from the public gaze, as President Grant had 
stated that he was not a candidate for another nom- 
ination. Interest, therefore, centred about the various 
Republican aspirants for the Presidential nomination. 
Blaine, who was the leading candidate, was at that 
time the choice of a majority of New Hampshire 
Republicans, yet, of those who admfred him for his 
transcendent ability, not a few doubted his success at 
the polls if nominated. When the Republican State 
convention met May 24, 18Y6, to elect delegates to the 
national convention, it was not thought advisable to 
declare for Blaine. Ossian Ray, of Lancaster, pre- 
sided. The following were chosen delegates at large: 
Daniel Hall, of Dover, Charles H. Burns, of Wilton, 
Nathaniel White, of Concord, and Ira Colby, of Clare- 
mont. The district delegates were George W. Mars- 
ton, of Portsmouth, Alonzo Nute, of Farmington, in 
the first district, Jesse Gault, of Hookset, and Ezekiel 
Au Straw, of Manchester, in the second, and Thomas 
C. Rand, of Keene, and Benjamin F. Whidden, of 
Lancaster, in the third. 

Interest in the Presidential campaign did not 
obscure the fact that on the incoming Republican leg- 
islature devolved the duty of electing a successor to 
Aaron H. Cragin in the United States Senate. With 
the rank and file of the Republican party, Rollins was 
the first choice. He had been a candidate for this 
position in 1864, withdrawing at that time so as not 



360 • LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

to prejudice Concord's interest in remaining the capi- 
tal of the State, and again in 1866, 1870, and 1872. 
As the directing force of the State committee, he had 
conducted the campaign for two years, and, under his 
guidance, the Kepublicans had regained control of the 
State. Aside from the fact of his remarkable aptitude 
for legislative work, as shown in his Congressional 
career, there was a feeling of gratitude among Repub- 
licans of the Sfate and a desire to show appreciation 
by electing him to the Senate. Yet he was not to 
attain his ambition without a contest, which at one 
time threatened his defeat. He was still treasurer of 
the Union Pacific Railroad. Toward this road there 
was a strong prejudice in the popular mind. The road 
was a debtor to the government, and its management 
had been involved in several scandals. A considerable 
number of people felt that Rollins' s election to the 
Senate would give the road a special champion in that 
body. Other leaders of the party were also ambitious 
of the honor of representing the State in the Senate, 
and became candidates. The opposition to Rollins did 
not concentrate on any one candidate, but divided its 
forces among several. These candidates were : Orrin 
C. Moore, James F. Briggs, Aaron F. Stevens, Levi 
Barton, Charles S. Whitehouse, Onslow Stearns, and 
Jacob Benton. Cragin was not a candidate for reelec- 
tion. 

The Republican press of the State began at once 
after election to take sides on the Senatorship. The 
Nashua Telegraphy whose editor was later, as a mem- 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 361 

ber of the legislature, to openly oppose Rollins because 
of his connection with the Union Pacific Railroad, 
after remarking that the position should seek the man, 
said : " The times are calling loudly for a type of men 
in Washington of which we have too few there. We 
mean men who have no entangling alliance with rings 
or monopolies. We mean men whose hands are clean, 
and who will lead lives of simplicity, no matter what 
glamour and temptations may surround them. We 
mean men who will have no other ambition or purpose 
or scheme except to consecrate themselves to the public 
service. We mean men who can and will stand up and 
give a reason for the faith that is in them, who can 
and will master the great public questions that are 
pressing for solution upon the country, who can and 
will stand firmly and boldly forth as champions of 
those principles and reforms that are essential to good 
government and to the continued ascendency of the 
Republican party." 

It was charged by Rollins's friends that Moore, in 
thus stating the qualifications of the man who should 
be elected Senator, was setting out his own fitness for 
the position, and that his ambition for the place ob- 
scured his judgment of Rollins. Moore denied this 
impeachment of his motives, saying that he had asked 
no member of the legislature for his support. That 
Moore had an ambition to go to the Senate he did not 
disavow, but his opposition to Rollins was undoubtedly 
promoted by his belief that no man connected with the 
Union Pacific Railroad should be elected to the Senate. 



362 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Rollins's connection with the Union Pacific Rail- 
road disturbed his personal friends as well as his sup- 
porters. Judge Doe, then in private life, in a charac- 
teristic letter to Rollins expresses both his friendship 
for Rollins and his apprehension that his being an 
officer of the Union Pacific Railroad would be embar- 
rassing. Referring to a conversation he had had with 
one of the members of the legislature, Doe says : " The 
Pacific Road is the sole trouble with you, as I supposed 
it would be. Precisely what course you would think 
advisable to take in Pacific Railroad matters I cannot 
be sure. I can see that in such matters your position 
as Senator would be embarrassing. I have merely 
expressed my opinion about you when I have heard 
your nomination opposed, and I understand I am put 
down as a Rollins man, which is a great mistake. The 
question of nomination, like all political matters, I 
do not meddle with, but, when I hear you unfairly 
dealt with, I shall, as a schoolmate and townsman, do 
my best to see that you have justice, speaking upon an 
acquaintance of forty years. So far as that goes, I 
am ready to bear voluntary testimony that I would 
not hesitate to trust you any^vhere. . . . For old 
acquaintance' sake, I should defend you whenever 
defence seemed to be called for by declaring that upon 
my personal knowledge of you I should entrust any 
duties private or public to you with perfect confidence 
in the ability and integrity with which they would be 
performed." 

While the canvass for Senator was moving along, 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 363 

Blaine, as a candidate for the Presidential nomina- 
tion, was charged with having improper relations with 
the Pacific Railroads, and Eollins was accused, as 
treasurer of the Union Pacific Railroad, of trying to 
shield Blaine. With this assumption as a basis, 
further accusations followed that Rollins was unfaith- 
ful to his trust as treasurer of the Union Pacific Rail- 
road. Rollins's answer to these charges was the pub- 
lication of letters from each of the directors of the 
Union Pacific Railroad appointed by the government. 
These directors were John C. S. Harrison, of Indiana, 
J. A. Tibbits, of Connecticut, F. B. Brewer, of New 
York, J. H. Millard, of li^ebraska, and James P. Wil- 
son, of Iowa. Their letters expressed the fullest con- 
fidence in Rollins's integrity and ability, and his 
cordial cooperation in the affairs of the company with 
the government directors. They all united in saying 
that, while Rollins had always ceaselessly guarded the 
interests of the Union Pacific Railroad, he had ever 
been fair and just to the government. Mr. Millard, 
in closing his letter, indiscreetly said : " I believe I 
speak the sentiments of all the government directors 
in saying that ISTew Hampshire will have in you a most 
worthy Senator, and, while we shall regret to lose you 
as our secretary and treasurer, we most earnestly hope 
the Republicans of the State will honor ISTew Hamp- 
shire by making you United States Senator." 

As has already been implied, the opposition to Rol- 
lins fostered in both Republican and Democratic news- 
papers attempted to secure his defeat on account of his 



364 LIFE OF EDWARD H. EOLLINS 

railroad connections On the day preceding the Re- 
publican Senatorial caucus, Orrin C. Moore rose to a 
personal explanation in the House, in the course of 
which, referring to the letters of the government direc- 
tors of the Union Pacific Railroad, he said : " What 
business and what right has the Union Pacific Railroad 
Corporation to interfere with the election of a United 
States Senator in !N'ew Hampshire, and what kind of 
a man is he who attempts to get elected by such means ? 
No such man deserves nor can receive my commenda- 
tion and support." 

This attack upon Rollins created a profound sensa- 
tion and led to the belief that, if Rollins was nominated 
in the caucus, Moore would bolt the nomination. The 
caucus assembled that evening amid intense excitement, 
for it was expected that Moore would be even more 
explicit in defining his position before his party asso- 
ciates than before both Democrats and Republicans in 
the House. The caucus, however, proceeded immedi- 
ately to ballot, and Rollins received the nomination 
by just the requisite number of votes.^ After the 
excitement incident to the declaration of the vote, 
Moore arose and moved that the nomination be made 
unanimous. He then spoke as follows: 

^The ballot was : Charles P. Sanboru, of Concord, 1 ; Aaron H. 
Cragin, of Lebanon, 1 ; Jacob Benton, of Lancaster, 8 ; Charles S. 
Whitehouse, of Rochester, 9 ; Levi W. Barton, of Newport, 12 ; 
Aaron F. Stevens, of Nashua, 16 ; Onslow Stearns, of Concord, 20 ; 
James F. Briggs, of Manchester, 20 ; Orrin C. Moore, of Nashua, 21 ; 
Edward H. Rollins, of Concord, 109, 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 365 

" I need not saj, Mr. Chairman, to the gentlemen 
present, that I have taken a somewhat active part in 
the present canvass. I have done so from motives that 
I need not speak of. I have done the best I could to 
defeat the nomination of Edward H. Rollins. I have 
done it honestly; I have done it strenuously; I made 
up my mind at the outset I would do it outside of the 
caucus. He has received the nomination, and, sir, I 
move that the nomination be made unanimous. 

" In saying that, Mr. Chairman, I wish to add one 
word further that may disabuse any gentleman of any 
remarks that I have made elsewhere to-day, — that, 
in the remark I made in the House, I only intended 
— if I was not so understood — that my remarks 
should apply to the nomination ; that I could not sup- 
port the nomination before it was made. But that 
nomination has been made in this caucus. So far as 
I know, it has been made fairly, and it is enough for 
me. The Republican party has a great duty before it 
in the canvass that is soon to open on the national 
field, and it will take all the efforts of the united 
Republican party to win the canvass, and I have no 
wish, no purpose, to throw anything into the arena 
that shall militate against a victory next fall in the 
State as well as in the nation. 

" Mr. Chairman, I put the question to Mr. Rollins 
just before I came in here to-night, which determined 
my action in regard to this matter. I said to Mr. 
Rollins : ' Do you propose, upon your honor, if you 
are nominated and elected, to sever all your connec- 



366 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

tions, direct or indirect, with, the Union Pacific Rail- 
road ? ' and he gave me his word of honor that he 
would, and upon that I determined to support his nom- 
ination." 

Rollins appeared in the caucus in response to an 
invitation, and accepted the nomination. His speech 
was informal and brief. He expressed his gratitude 
for the honor conferred upon him, and pledged the 
State his best efforts in her behalf. He denied that 
any railroad had sought or labored for his nomination. 
He accepted the nomination as from the people, whose 
servant he should be, and not that of any ring, clique, 
or corporation. After comj)limenting his rivals, he 
thanked them for their generous action in making his 
nomination unanimous. His election by the legislature 
followed the next week. 

The Republican press of the State very generally 
commended his selection. The Monitor said : " We 
are gratified, not only because we shall have a Senator 
who can be counted on to vote right on all the great 
questions of our time, Avho is able and practical, and 
always approachable, not only because it is a just and 
fitting recognition of the services of a matchless 
leader, but because we believe that no other result 
could promise so much for the future success of our 
party, harmonizing all elements, healing all wounds, 
and giving a new impetus to the cause of good govern- 
ment everywhere." 

The Dover Enquirer said : " It is a result emphat- 
ically in accordance with the popular will, and in it the 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 367 

legislature has only recognized and carried out the 
preference and expectations of an overwhelming ma- 
jority of the Republicans of New Hampshire. No 
other man would have so satisfied public sentiment as 
Mr. Rollins. In his success, unwearied service and 
skilful ability have received deserved appreciation." 

The Portsmouth Journal said : " The very qualities 
which make successful soldiers against their political 
enemies often provoke jealousy in their o^vn ranks, and 
parties, like republics, are proverbially ungrateful. 
While we have always acknowledged the very great 
service of Mr. Rollins in the battles which the party has 
fought in the State with his constant aid, we have advo- 
cated his selection as a candidate from other motives. 
Mr. Rollins has never disappointed his fellow citizens 
in any of the responsible interests entrusted to him. 
A man who, as Speaker of the State legislature, as 
member of Congress, as chairman of the State com- 
mittee in a State where campaigns have been conducted 
against greater odds and with more ability than in any 
State in the Union, has alw^ays ably and successfully 
carried through all that he has undertaken, is a man 
who possesses the elements that will make him a good 
Senator." 

The Boston Journal said : " The Republicans of New 
Hampshire are to be congratulated on the prompt and 
successful manner in which they have finished up their 
canvass for the office of Senatorship. There is no doubt 
whatever that Mr. Rollins was the first choice of the 
party. From the outset, he has had for competitors 



368 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

some of the ablest men of the State, and the canvass has 
been earnest and general, yet Mr. Rollins has steadily 
advanced in strength until his nomination was achieved 
on the first ballot of the caucus. A large part of the 
triumph is unquestionably due to a feeling of gratitude 
on the part of the Republicans of ISTew Hampshire for 
the invaluable service rendered by Mr. Rollins during 
so many years. Whenever there have been seasons of 
special trial, when the cause was in peril and the pros- 
pects looked dark, Mr. Rollins has never failed to throw 
in his efforts as an organizer and director of campaigns 
with the almost invariable result of victory at the polls. 
1^0 better manager has ever appeared in a State which 
peculiarly knows what good political management is. 
In addition, however, is the feeling that Mr. Rollins 
has the ability and character to make a United States 
Senator who will promote the interests of his constit- 
uents and prove useful to the general principles of sane 
legislation. In this connection it is no more than was 
expected of him by those who knew him that he should 
declare his purpose on his election to the Senatorship 
to dissolve all his relations with business enterprises 
which might come before him as a legislator. In this 
spirit we have no doubt he will meet and ably discharge 
all the duties of his new position." 

The nomination of Rutherford B. Hayes for Presi- 
dent followed ahnost immediately after the Republican 
Senatorial caucus in ISTew Hampshire. It came as a 
surprise and a disappointment to the Republicans ol 
the State. Those who were not for Blaine had a par- 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 369 

tiality for Benjamin F. Bristow, who was a member of 
Grant's Cabinet and who had been identified with the 
reform movement within the party. A ratification 
meeting, however, was immediately arranged at Con- 
cord, at which Rollins and other leaders of the party 
spoke. The selection, a few weeks later, of Samuel J. 
Tilden by the Democratic jSTational Convention as the 
standard-bearer of that party, infused the Democrats of 
New Hampshire with confidence in the general result 
and encouraged them to make a contest to carry the 
State. Chandler and Rollins arranged a mass-meeting 
at the capital for September 21st, which was addressed 
by Blaine, George William Curtis, and ]!^athaniel P. 
Banks. The October State elections in Ohio and In- 
diana indicated a close election in the country in No- 
vember. While there was little doubt in the minds of 
the Republican leaders of New Hampshire regarding 
the result in the State, the campaign was conducted, on 
their part, with their customary attention to details. 
The result was the choice of the Republican electors by 
a majority of about three thousand. Then followed 
the disputed Presidential election, its reference to an 
electoral commission, and the decision of the commis- 
sion that Hayes was elected. While the Presidential 
dispute was in progress, the Republicans opened their 
campaign of 18 77. 

The Republican State convention was held January 
10, 1877, and Austin P. Pike, of Franklin, was elected 
president. There was a spirited contest for the nomi- 
nation of governor, although Benjamin F. Prescott, of 



370 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Epping, then Secretary of State^ and for a long time 
secretary of the Republican State committee, was the 
leading candidate. On the second ballot Prescott was 
nominated, Natt Head, of Hooksett, being his principal 
opponent. 

Prescott proved to be a popular candidate. Through 
his connection with the State committee and his service 
as Secretary of State, he was well kno^vn to the people 
of New Hampshire. He was a man of pleasing per- 
sonality and a public-spirited citizen. The State owes 
him a debt of gratitude for the excellent collection of 
portraits of its governors which now adorns the walls 
of the State Library. 

Jacob H. Gallinger, of Concord, reported the plat- 
form which brought forth this commendation from the 
Boston Jownal: 

" For many years it has been the distinctive privi- 
lege of the Republicans of ISTew Hampshire to give the 
key-note of the campaig-n, the first utterance of an in- 
telligent people for or against any policy, and the first 
opinion in the great political crises of the past twenty 
years. On such critical occasions the !N^ew Hampshire 
Republicans have never failed in their duty In the 
earliest days of the organization, they sustained the 
champions of freedom in their contest against the sla- 
very propagandists. In the Lincoln campaign the ITew 
Hampshire Republicans gave the first indication of the 
sentiment of the ISTorth. When the contests-came be- 
tween union and secession, the sturdy Republicans of 
ISTew Hampshire in their March election strengthened 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 371 

the purpose of the loyal heart by their declarations for 
union. Their bugle-blast of victory was full of inspi- 
ration, giving courage to men in Congress and in all the 
States, and so it has ever been since. Otlier States, with 
greater majorities and easier fields to fight, have fal- 
tered, but ]^ew Hampshire never has wavered in a 
great crisis." 

For Congress Henry W. Blair was renominated in 
the Third District, and Oilman Marston again secured 
the nomination in the First District. In the Second 
District James F. Briggs, of Manchester, was nomi- 
nated on the first ballot, the vote standing: Briggs 137, 
Orrin C. Moore 46, Austin F. Pike 24, ^N'ehemiah G. 
Ordway 21, Charles H. Bums 9. 

The Republican State committee organized by the 
choice of Elijah M. Topliff, of Manchester, as chair- 
man, George E. Jenks, of Concord, secretary, and 
John Kimball, of Concord, treasurer. 

The Democratic State convention was held January 
17, 1877. John S. H. Frink, of Greenland, was chosen 
president. Some opposition developed to the renomina- 
tion of Daniel Marcy as a candidate for governor, 
his princij^al opponent being Frank A. McKean, of 
Nashua. A ballot, however, showed Marcy largely the 
choice of the convention, 385 votes being cast for him 
to 127 for McKean and 12 scattering. The Democrats 
renominated Frank Jones for Congress in the First 
District and Henry O. Kent in the Third District. In 
the Second District they brought forward a new can- 
didate, Alvah W. Sulloway, of Franklin. 



372 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Briggs and Sullowaj, who were opposing candidates 
for Congress in the Second District, were coming into 
prominence as leaders in their respective parties. Both 
were self-made men and both had great personal in- 
fluence. Briggs was a successful lawyer, Sulloway a 
successful manufacturer. Briggs had served in both 
branches of the legislature and was to serve three terms 
in Congress. His service in the national House of Rep- 
resentatives was contemporaneous with Rollins's serv- 
ice in the Senate, and he became RoUins's leading ri- 
val when the latter sought reelection to the Senate in 
1883. Briggs was one of the strong men of the 
State, a powerful and fearless advocate in debate when 
aroused, but not inclined to court controversy. He was 
courageous in his convictions and loyal in his friend- 
ships. His last public service was in the Constitutional 
Convention of 1902. His public career was a credit 
to himself and the State. 

Sulloway became one of the master spirits of the 
Democratic party of New Hampshire and helped to 
shape its policies until the campaign of 1896, when, not 
agreeing with the principles set forth in the Democratic 
national platform, he withdrew from active participa- 
tion in politics. Throughout his political career he 
possessed the confidence of both political supporters and 
opponents. 

The campaign of 18Y7 was not exciting. The atten- 
tion of the whole country was riveted on the proceedings 
in Congress leading up to the electoral count. The Elec- 
toral Connnission declared Hayes elected President, to 



ELECTION AS UNITED STATES SENATOR 373 

the gratification of Kepublicans and to the disappoint- 
ment of Democrats. The latter in ]^ew Hampshire 
seemed to lose heart after the Electoral Commission had 
concluded its labors, and the March election resulted in 
a Republican victory except in the First Congressional 
District. The vote for governor was: scattering, 56; 
Asa S. Kendall, 338 ; Daniel Marcy, 36,721 ; Benjamin 
F. Prescott, 40,755. 

Briggs was elected to Congress in the Second Dis- 
trict by 1,097 plurality, Blair in the Third District by 
"861 plurality, while Jones secured his reelection in the 
First District by 43 plurality. 

During the decade from 1870 to 1880, the Demo- 
cratic party brought a number of its young men to the 
front. Their names are nearly all to be found in the 
legislative rolls of those years. The House of Bepre- 
sentatives was the arena where they secured their intro- 
duction to the public, for the fierce political battles 
waged in that body during a part of this period af- 
forded excellent opportunity for the display of their 
talents. The reader familiar with that decade will 
/eadily recall the following who were then entering 
upon a political career: Edward K. Mann, of Haver- 
hill, Frank Hiland, of Manchester, George E. Coch- 
rane, of l^ew Boston, John M. Mitchell and Albert S. 
Batchellor, of Littleton, Herbert F. ISToiTis, of Epping, 
Charles A. Jewell, of Plymouth, John T., Lewis F., 
and Charles A. Busiel, of Laconia, Charles H. Smith, 
of ISTewmarket, Frank H. Pierce, of Hillsboro, ISTathan 
C. Jameson, of Antrim, John Hatch, of Greenland, and 



374 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Clarence E. Carr, of Andover. Two of the foregoing 
were afterwards candidates of their party for Congress, 
several held important State positions, and one, Charles 
A. Busiel, was elected governor in 1894, having then 
become a Republican. 



CHAPTER XX. 

KOLLINS IN THE FOETY - FIFTH CONGRESS 

EoLLiNs took the oath of office as United States Sen- 
ator March 4, 1877, at the extra session of the Senate 
called by President Hayes to confinn the Cabinet and 
other appointments. He was assigned to the Commit- 
tees on the District of Columbia, Manufactures, and 
Audit and Control of the Contingent Expenses of the 
Senate. At the second session of this Congress he be- 
came chairman of the Committee on Manufactures. 
With the work of the other two committees he was 
familiar, having served on corresponding committees 
in the House of Representatives. From the beginning 
of his Congressional career he had taken a deep interest 
in the affairs of the District of Columbia. The govern- 
ment of the District was now in the hands of commis- 
sioners, and it forced much detail work upon the 
District committees of both branches of Congress. 
Legislation for the District occupied a large part of 
Rollins's time during this Congress. He was fre- 
quently called to the chair of the Senate, and, during 
his term as Senator, he probably presided over that 
body more than any other Senator except the president 
pro tern, of the Senate. 

375 



376 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

His activity was along the lines wliicli gave him 
prominence in the other branch of CongTess. He made 
no set speeches, but he participated in debate on meas- 
ures reported by his own and other committees. His 
reputation for accomplishing results soon gave him a 
full calendar of personal requests from constituents and 
others whose interests were affected by legislation or 
by the action of the departments. The untiring at- 
tention he contributed to all matters entrusted to his 
charge and the persistency with which he advocated 
a cause in which he was enlisted gave to him success 
where others failed. When he had a bill in charge, he 
never lacked support in the Senate from the older and 
more prominent Senators, for he was helpful to his as- 
sociates in the same manner that he was helpful to his 
constituents. The courtesy of the Senate gave him in 
return an influence not always possessed by those heard 
more frequently in debate. As a working member of 
the Senate, attentive to details, skilful in the manage- 
ment of measures, knowing when to press them to con- 
clusion and when to allow them to be set aside, Rollins 
was unexcelled in his day. I^Tew Hampshire has had 
more brilliant members of that branch of Congress, men 
who have been conspicuous in shaping party policies, 
men who were strikingly prominent in debate, but none 
who as legislators could count more net results to their 
credit. The State never had a more useful Senator or 
one who accomplished more for her benefit. 

An instance of the character of Rollins's service to 
the State is his successful effort in this Congress to 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 377 

secure relief for a number of savings banks of New 
Hampshire, affected bj a ruling of the commissioner 
of internal revenue on the law in force at that time, 
taxing bank deposits. This law, as previously inter- 
preted, taxed deposits in banks, but exempted deposits 
in savings banks. The bank most effected by the ruling 
of the commissioner of internal revenue was the New 
Hampshire Savings Bank of Concord, and the story of 
its case will ser^'e to illustrate the hardship imposed 
upon the savings banks of the State. 

The charter of the Merrimack County Bank of Con- 
cord expired in 1866. Its directors were men well ad- 
vanced in years. They did not care to incorporate as 
a national bank as other State banks of discount were 
doing, and so they allowed their charter to expire by 
limitation. These directors and some of the large de- 
positors of this bank transferred their deposits to the 
New Hampshire Savings Bank under an arrangement 
which permitted them to check out these deposits, but 
allowed them no interest on their balances. These busi- 
ness deposits averaged about fifty thousand dollars. 
The New Hampshire Savings Bank paid the tax on 
these business deposits to the United States government 
under rulings made by two successive commissioners 
of internal revenue that these deposits and not the de- 
posits of savings depositors were subject to taxation. 
Other savings banks of the State in towns where there 
was no national bank accepted business deposits sub- 
ject to check for the accommodation of the business 
men of the community, but allowed no interest thereon. 



378 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

These savings banks regularly returned the amount 
of their business deposits and paid taxes thereon. 

About 1874 a new commissioner of internal revenue 
held that a savings bank to be entitled to the exemp- 
tion of the law must have no other deposits than those 
of savings depositors, and that, when a savings bank 
took business deposits subject to check, all the deposits 
of the bank were subject to taxation. While this last 
ruling was undoubtedly correct, the New Hampshire 
savings banks were entitled in equity to relief, for the 
reason that previous commissioners of internal revenue 
had sanctioned the practice by accepting the tax on 
the business deposits with a full knoAvledge of what the 
savings banks were doing. Then again, the burden did 
not fall upon the business depositors, but upon many 
new and later savings depositors who were not depos- 
itors at the time the practice prevailed. This ruling 
not only applied to the future, but related back several 
years. All the savings banks of the State having 
business deposits at once paid them in full and discon- 
tinued the practice of taking them. The back taxes 
thus assessed upon ]^ew Hampshire savings banks 
became a burden of no small proportions and in some 
instances threatened the solvency of these institutions. 
The savings deposits of the ]^ew Hampshire Savings 
Bank at that time were over a million dollars. The 
tax due from it was thirty thousand dollars or more, 
or about one-half of its annual dividend. None of the 
savings banks of New Hampshire then had any con- 
siderable surplus. The New Hampshire Savings Bank 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 379 

contested the ruling of the conunissioner and suit was 
brought against it by the United States government. 
At the first regular session of this Congress, the matter 
was brought to Rollins's attention. 

Senator DaA^is, of Illinois, had already introduced a 
bill in the Senate for the relief of insolvent savings 
banks. This bill was favorably reported to the Senate 
by the committee on finance. Rollins offered an 
amendment providing relief for the l^ew Hampshire 
savings banks. The amendment at once met with 
strong opposition. The West and South were without 
savings banks at that time. The Western and Southern 
Senators not only opposed the relief for the New 
Hampshire savings banks, but claimed that the gen- 
eral exemption of savings banks from this tax was 
a discrimination in favor of the East. Their ground 
of opj)osition was that savings banks deposits were used 
just as much for commercial purposes in the loans 
made by the savings banks as the deposits of national 
banks. Being unfamiliar with savings banks, they took 
no account of the fact that the aggregate of these sav- 
ings deposits was made up of the small savings of 
wage-earners, or of the further fact that all of the earn- 
ings of the savings banks, except the small cost of their 
management, were divided among the depositors. They 
argued that both business and savings deposits made 
up the banking capital of the community, and that, 
whereas the West and South paid the tax upon all 
their banking capital, the East was exempt from taxa- 
tion of a part of its banking capital. In the debate 



380 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

that followed, Rollins had the assistance of Senators 
Morrill, of Vermont, and Dawes, of Massachusetts, 
and finally carried his amendment. The vote was 
close and along sectional lines. The bill as amended 
went to the House where it was referred to the com- 
mittee on ways and means, and there it slumbered for 
the remainder of the session. 

At the second session of the forty-fifth Congress, a 
revenue bill passed the House of Representatives 
amending the existing internal revenue law granting 
relief to certain business interests affected by the law. 
When the bill came up in the Senate, Rollins offered 
iis old amendment for the relief of the jN^ew Hamp- 
shire savings banks. Opposition to it was renewed by 
the Western and Southern Senators. After a spirited 
debate, the Senate voted to incorporate it in the rev- 
enue bill. The measure was then returned to the 
House for concurrence by that body in a number of 
amendments made by the Senate. The House readily 
concurred in most of the amendments offered by the 
Senate, but non-concurred in some, among which was 
the Rollins amendment. The bill was then sent to a 
conference committee of the two houses and each house 
for a time adhered to its position. The session of the 
forty-fifth Congress was drawing to a close, only three 
or four working days remaining. The revenue bill 
was important to the interests affected by it. The 
Senate as a whole had no special interest in the relief 
of Nfew Hampshire savings banks, but many Senators 
and Representatives, especially those from the South 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 381 

and West, represented constituents who were intensely 
interested in the revenue bill. Rollins insisted that 
the revenue bill must pass »as it left the Senate or not 
at all. Owing to the fact that the Senate had still 
several appropriation bills to dispose of, and, as these 
bills had the right of way, any one Senator could defeat 
the V revenue bill. Rollins was ready to become that 
one Senator. In this way, he held the Senate con- 
ferees finn in their position, and finally induced the 
House conferees to recede. The bill with the Rollins 
amendment affording relief to the ISTew Hampshire 
savings banks was then accepted by the House and 
became a law by the President's signature. 

On all questions of party policy, Rollins stood with 
the stalwart wing of the Republican party. As a mem- 
ber of the national House of Representatives from 
1861 to 186Y, he had favored the vigorous prosecution 
of the war, the early abolition of slavery, and all meas- 
ures promoting the welfare of the negro race. The 
fifteenth amendment of the federal constitution, 
adopted during the interim of Rollins's Congressional 
service, met with his cordial approval, and he was a 
strong advocate of the exercise by Congress of the 
powers therein conferred for its enforcement. Coming 
to the Senate at the beginning of President Hayes's 
administration, Rollins had no faith in the President's 
conciliatory policy toward the South. He looked upon 
that policy as an abandonment of the negro and a 
surrender of the principles for which the Republican 
party had contended. With Conkling and Blaine, he 



382 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

regarded the recognition by the President of the Demo- 
cratic State government in Louisiana and South Caro- 
lina as an impeachment by. President Hayes of his own 
title, but he did not go so far as to make an issue with 
the administration on this account. As heretofore, he 
looked ahead to the next campaigTi and deprecated any 
action which might defeat the Republican party or con- 
tribute to Democratic success. The administration 
might make mistakes. To his mind, it was better to 
bear with these patiently than to take the risk of a 
Democratic national triumph, which would mean the 
setting aside of all the principles for which the Eepub- 
lican party had so long battled. 

On the financial questions of the forty-fifth Con- 
gress, Rollins steadfastly voted against all inflation 
measures and to sustain the President in upholding the 
financial credit of the country. 

During this Congress, two important campaigns 
occurred in ^ew Hampshire. The constitutional con- 
vention of 1876 had submitted amendments to the State 
constitution providing for biennial elections and bien- 
nial sessions of the legislature, which had been rati- 
fied by the people. The legislature of 1877 had pro- 
vided that these amendments should go into effect in 
the fall of 1878. There were, therefore, two elections 
that year, the last annual election in the spring of 
1878 and the first biennial election in ISTovember of 
that year. ISTo change had been made in the time of 
the meeting of the legislature, so that the administra- 
tive year began and ended in June. The legislature 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 383 

elected iu March, 1878, would meet in June follow- 
ing, and the legislature elected in ISTovember, 1878, 
would meet in June, 1879. By providing that the 
first biennial election should occur in the fall of 1878, 
State elections came in the years of the national elec- 
tions for the choice of members of Congress and Presi- 
dent. With the advent of the biennial election and the 
change of time from March to November, ]^ew Hamp- 
shire elections became more local in their interest. 
The State no longer occupied the position of holding 
the first election in the year, and its importance from 
a national point of view materially lessened. 

Two judicial appointments made by Governor Pres- 
cott in the summer of 1877 were severely condemned 
by many active Eei:»ublicans of the State. To fill 
vacancies on the supreme bench he had appointed as 
judges Isaac W. Smith and Lewis W. Clark. Smith 
was the Republican member of the supreme court in 
1875. He had joined his Democratic associates in 
declining to give an opinion to the legislature on the 
action of Governor Weston and his Council in the con- 
troversy that year for the control of the State Senate. 
Clark was the Democratic Attorney-General at that 
time, advising Governor Weston and his Council that 
they had the right to go behind the returns. When 
the Republican legislature of 1876 reorganized the 
courts, partisan feeling was so intense that Smith was 
not appointed to the new court. The recognition of 
these two men by a Republican administration seemed 
to many Republicans to condone an offence which the 



384 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

people of the State only a year before had condemned. 
For a time this action of Governor Prescott threatened 
his renomination. It, however, appeared that many 
leading Republicans of the State, including Rollins 
and the chairman of the State committee, had endorsed 
Smith, and that both he and Clark had the unqualified 
endorsement of the bar of the State. After several 
weeks of agitation in the press of the State, the con- 
troversy gradually subsided as it became apparent that 
the rank and file of the party favored Prescott's 
renomination. 

This was not the only difficulty which beset the 
Republican party of New Hampshire at this time. 
There was a marked difference of opinion regarding 
the Southern policy of President Hayes. Many Re- 
publicans of the State looked upon his recognition of 
the Democratic State governments in South Carolina 
and Louisiana as a capitulation to the Democrats and 
as an abandonment of the political rights of the 
negroes of the South. At the Republican State con- 
vention to be held in January, the question of the 
endorsement of President Hayes's policy was sure to 
arise. There was determined opposition to this policy, 
and this opposition was disclosed at the meeting of the 
Republican State committee held the night before the 
convention to arrange for the organization of that body. 
]Srewspaper representatives were excluded from the 
meeting, so that no verbatim report of the proceedings 
survives. Such accounts as are given in the press 
agree that the meeting was a stormy one, the debate 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 385 

becoming at times personal and acrimonious. The 
outcome, however, was a compromise. Both sides were 
represented on the committee of resolutions, and the 
platform carefully avoided the question in controversy. 
The convention met January 9, 1878. Charles H. 
Bell, of Exeter, presided, and Governor Prescott was 
renominated by acclamation. The platform as reported 
was adopted without dissent. In spite of the harmony 
of the convention, there was a lack of enthusiasm 
among the stalwart Republicans of the State, and 
strenuous efforts on the part of the State committee 
were necessary to arouse them to activity. While sym- 
pathizing with the feelings of those who opposed " the 
surrender of the President," as it was called, Rollins 
was urgent in his appeals to them not to make the 
situation worse by contributing to Democratic success. 
The Democratic State convention met January 16, 
1878. Henry O. Kent, of Lancaster, presided. John 
H. George, of Concord, reported the resolutions. A 
new candidate for governor was looked for, as Daniel 
Marcy, of Portsmouth, had received the customary 
two nominations. Among the names canvassed were- 
those of Frank A. McKean, who had been twice elected 
mayor of Nashua, Warren F. Daniell, of Franklin^ 
and Horatio Colony, of Keene. Sentiment crystallized 
about McKean, and he was nominated on the first 
ballot without opposition. McKean was a young man, 
and his selection was regarded by the party as a new 
departure. The elections in the fall of 1877 had 
resulted in Democratic victories, largely owing to dis- 



386 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

satisfaction of Republicans witli President Hayes's 
policy. The Democratic leaders of New Hampshire 
looked for a similar apathy among Republicans of the 
State. Thus for a time they were somewhat sanguine 
of McKean's election. 

The campaign which followed these conventions was 
a remarkably quiet one for New Hampshire. Demo- 
cratic efforts Avere confined to perfecting the organiza- 
tion of the party. There was but very little campaign 
speaking, no man of national prominence being brought 
into the State by either side. The Labor Reformers 
and the Prohibitionists each made nominations, Sam- 
uel Flint, of Lyme, being the candidate for governor 
of the former, and Asa S. Kendall, of Swansey, 
the candidate of the Prohibitionists. These nom- 
inations were merely perfunctory and the contest was 
really between the Democratic and Republican parties. 
The election resulted in the choice of Prescott by the 
people, but by a reduced majority. The vote was: 
Scattering, 80 ; Asa Kendall, 225 ; Samuel Flint, 
269; Frank A. McKean, 37,860; Benjamin F. Pres- 
cott, 39,372. 

The election was no sooner over than a question 
arose for discussion growing out of the change from 
annual to biennial elections and the change in the time 
of holding the elections. This question and its final 
outcome had an important bearing upon Rollins's 
political future and therefore should be considered in 
detail. 

It had not occurred to the constitutional convention 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 387 

of 1876 that these changes, without altering the time 
of the meeting of the legislature, would create a hiatus 
in the succession of the State in the United States 
Senate. The constitution of the United States g-ives 
to Congress the power to prescribe the times and man- 
ner of holding elections for United States Senators, 
and, in the exercise of this power, Congress, in a statute 
passed July 25, 1866, directed that: 

" The legislature of each State which is chosen next 
preceding the expiration of the term for which any 
Senator was elected to represent such State in Congi'ess 
shall, on the second Tuesday after the meeting and 
organization thereof, proceed to elect a Senator in 
Congress." 

The amendments of the constitution of 'New Hamp- 
shire making elections biennial instead of annual, and 
changing the time of the election from spring to fall, 
were to go into effect October 1, 1878. Consequently, 
a second State election would occur this year, being the 
first under the biennial system. The legislature chosen 
in November, 1878, would not meet and organize until 
June, 1879. The legislature which had been elected 
in March, 1878, would not go out of existence until 
June, 1879. The tenn in the United States Senate 
of Senator Wadleigh expired March 4, 1879. Which 
legislature had the right to elect his successor, the one 
elected in March, 1878, organizing in June, 1878, and 
expiring in June, 1879, or the one elected in ISTovem- 
ber, 1878, organizing in June, 1879, and expiring two 
years later ? Which was the legislature " chosen next 



388 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

preceding the expiration of the term," etc., the one 
in existence when the terai expired, or the one whose 
members were elected prior to the expiration of the 
Senatorial term but who did not qualify as legislators 
until three months after the term expired ? This ques- 
tion now arose for the first time, and did not cease to 
be a question until after Rollins's defeat for reelection 
in 1883. In 1881 it caused a bolt of the Republican 
Senatorial caucus on the constitutional interpretation 
of the United States statute, and this bolt paved the 
way for the bolt two years later on the action of the 
Republican Senatorial caucus in renominating Rollins. 
Senator Wadleigh, who was the individual most in- 
terested, opened the discussion in a letter to the Repub- 
lican newspapers of the State. He took the ground 
that the legislature to be elected in I^ovember, 1878, 
and organizing in June, 1879, was the legislature 
which had the undoubted right to elect his successor. 
He cited as a precedent the unanimous action of the 
United States Senate in the Blodgett-Norwood case, 
of Georgia. Foster Blodgett, a Republican, was elected 
by the legislature of Georgia, February 15, 1870, for 
the Senatorial term beginning March 4, 1871. Another 
legislature was chosen in November, 1870, but did not 
meet and organize until E"ovember, 1871. This legis- 
lature elected Thomas ISTorwood, a Democrat, to the 
same vacancy. The committee on privileges and elec- 
tions of the Senate to whom the question was referred 
reported unanimously in favor of l^orwood, and he 
was seated by the unanimous vote of the Senate, then 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 389 

Republican. On the committee of privileges and elec- 
tions at that time were Charles Smnner, of Massachu- 
setts, Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, Benjamin F. Rice, 
of Arkansas, Matthew H. Carpenter, of Wisconsin, 
John A. Logan, of Illinois, Joshua Hill, of Georgia, 
and Allan G. Thurman, of Ohio. 

William E. Stevens, editor of the Monitor, took up 
the discussion, stating the argimients in favor of and 
against the position taken by Senator Wadleigh, and 
came to the conclusion that it was the right and 
duty of the legislature convening in June, 1878, to 
elect Senator Wadleigh's successor. In addition to 
the legal argument made in favor of this course, a 
political reason was urged in its favor. The spring 
election of 1878 had been very close. The Republi- 
cans had elected their governor and a majority of the 
legislature. There was a possibility that the Demo- 
crats might carry the State in the fall election. It 
could do no harm for the Republicans to elect a Sen- 
ator by the legislature convening in June, 1878, even 
if the action of that body had to be ratified by the 
legislature to be elected in I^ovember, 1878. The 
Democrats generally took the view of Wadleigh, as, 
with the postponement of the election to the legislature 
organized in June, 1879, they had another opportunity 
to carry the State and win the Senatorial prize. Harry 
Bingham, however, was quoted by Wadleigh as affirm- 
ing that the legislature meeting in June, 1878, had 
the right to elect a Senator. The Blodgett-lSTorwood 
case seemed to show what action the United States 



390 LIFE OF EDAYAED H. ROLLINS 

Senate Avoiild take in the event of a Senator elected 
by the legislature which convened in June, 1878, 
applying for admission, until this case was dissected 
by William E. Chandler in a personal letter to Jona- 
than E. Sargent, a member-elect of the incoming leg- 
islature, which was soon after published in the Mon- 
itor. 

Chandler said : " My first impression was against 
the right (of the legislature convening in June, 1878, 
to elect), owing to the Blodgett-lSTorwood case, but an 
examination of the facts there removed it as a prece- 
dent. Blodgett was elected February 15, 1870, to fill 
a term to commence March 4, 1871, but, when he 
was elected, there was to be a legislature elected in 
ISTovember, 1870, to meet January, 1871. Of course 
Blodgett's election was illegal, and was so held by the 
Senate. To cure its illegality, the legislature which 
elected him postponed the meeting of the next legisla- 
ture from January, 1871, to N^ovember, 1871. But 
this subsequent subterfuge did not save the election, 
particularly as the legislature after postponing the 
meeting of its successor did not ratify Blodgett's elec- 
tion by a new declaration. It was a trick, and void 
when made and not cured by subsequent action. This 
case would be a precedent if the ISTew Hampshire leg- 
islature to be chosen next ^November were to meet 
January 1st, not otherwise. 

" The whole intention of the statute of July 25, 
1866, was to prevent vacancies in the Senate, not to 
determine which was the proper legislature to elect. 



IN THE FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 391 

and to prevent one branch thereof from defeating an 
election. . . . My own opinion on this whole subject 
is not wholly fixed. I do not ask a reply from you, but 
only that you will investigate a question of some 
difficulty and of too great importance to the Repub- 
lican party to be decided by any one man or accord- 
ing to the personal interest of any individual, but as 
may be for the best good of the whole." 

Henry W. Blair, then a member of the national 
House and a candidate for Senator Wadleigh's seat, 
secured an opinion on this question from Matthew 
H. Carpenter, who was chairman of the Senate com- 
mittee on privileges and elections when the Blodgett- 
ISTorwood case was decided. Carpenter agreed with 
Chandler that this case was not parallel to tliat of 
"New Hampshire. He also took the ground that the 
legislature meeting in June, 1878, being the last legis- 
lature organized before the expiration of the term, 
should elect a Senator. 

Another argument for an election by the legislature 
meeting in June, 1878, was that, if the legislature in 
being at the time the Senatorial term expired did not 
fill the vacancy, ISTew Hampshire for the space of three 
months, at the close of every Senatorial term, would 
not have her equal representation in the Senate with 
other States, an equality guaranteed by the federal 
constitution. While this discussion was going on, an 
attempt was made to have Congress pass some declara- 
tory or enabling act to cover the IsTew Hampshire sit- 
uation. Rollins in the Senate and Blair in the House 



392 LIFE OF ED WARD H. ROLLINS 

appear to have been earnest and active to secure such 
a declaration. The time, however, was short in which 
to secure such a result. The 'New Hampshire legis- 
lature met while this discussion was going on, but, 
before the time came for it to act, a report was made 
by the committee on privileges and elections of the 
Senate affirming that the right to elect a Senator 
vested in the legislature which would meet in June, 
1879. The legislature of ISTew Hampshire, therefore, 
took no action, for it was apparently useless to elect a 
Senator if he was not to be admitted by the Senate. 
This decision of the Senate was not accepted as final, 
for some Republicans, and especially those opposed 
to Wadleigh's reelection, believed that his position as 
chairman of the committee on privileges and elections 
had some influence with the committee in securing 
from it the report made to the Senate. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the legisla- 
ture of 1878, the Republican State committee con- 
vened to fix the times and places of meeting of the 
conventions for the fall campaign. The Republican 
State convention met September lO, 1878. It was 
presided over by Charles H. Burns, of Wilton, and 
James W. Patterson, of Hanover, reported the resolu- 
tions. There was an earnest rivalry between the 
friends of Natt Head, of Hooksett, and Charles H. 
Bell, of Exeter, to secure the gubernatorial nomina- 
tion. The contest was settled on the first ballot by a 
vote of 412 for Head, 282 for Bell, and 6 scattering. 

For Congress, the Republicans renominated James 



IN THE FOETY-FIFTH CONGRESS 393 

F. Briggs in the second district, while Joshua G. Hall, 
of Dover, was selected on the first ballot in the first 
district. In the third district, three ballots were 
necessary to effect a nomination. The leading can- 
didates were Ossian Ray, of Lancaster, Levi W. Bar- 
ton, of JSTewport, Chester Pike, of Cornish, and Evarts 
W. Farr, of Littleton, the latter leading on the first 
ballot and winning on the third. 

Evarts W. Farr was a young man of great promise. 
At the outbreak of the Civil War, he left Dartmouth 
College to enlist as a soldier when the call came for 
volunteers, and he was the first man to sign the muster 
roll at Littleton. Commissioned as lieutenant, he was 
successively promoted until he was in command of his 
regiment. He was dangerously wounded at the battle 
of Williamsburg, Virginia, and had his arm ampu- 
tated on the field of battle. Refusing to resign on 
account o lf\'u disability, he continued in the service 
until the close of the war. Elected to Congress, he 
rapidly attained distinction when his public career 
was cut short by his untimely death after his second 
election to that body. 

Joshua G. Hall was a lawyer in good standing in 
his section of the State. He had served in both 
branches of the legislature and had been mayor of 
Dover for .two terms. At the time of his nomination 
for Congress, he was serving as United States district 
attorney by appointment of President Hayes. 

The Democratic State convention met September 
12, 1878. Hosea W. Parker, of Claremont, presided. 



394 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Frank A. McKean was renominated by acclamation. 
At the Democratic Congressional conventions Alvah 
W. Sulloway, of Franklin, was renominated in the 
second district, and Henry O. Kent, of Lancaster, in 
the third district. In the first district, Herbert F. 
Norris, of Epping, was nominated on tlie first ballot. 

Norris was one of the young Democrats of the State 
who had come into prominence through his service 
as a member of the legislatures of 1877 and 1878. A 
ready debater, a good parliamentarian, he had already 
developed strong qualities of leadership. He had a 
good legal mind and would have made a success at the 
bar, for which he was educated. Drifting into jour- 
nalism, he was for a time editorial writer on the Man- 
chester Union. Taking up his residence in Boston 
not long after this service to the politics of New 
Hampshire, he has since been identified with the 
newspapers of that city. 

The Greenback movement, which had made itself 
felt in other States, came into prominence in Kew 
Hampshire during this campaign. A State conven- 
tion at which 362 delegates were present was held at 
Manchester. Cyrus A. Sulloway, of Manchester, pre- 
sided. Warren G. Brown, of Whitefield, was nom- 
inated as a candidate for governor. The Greenback 
party nominated candidates for Congress in all three 
districts, Lafayette Chesley, of Nottingham, in the 
first, Cyrus A. Sulloway, of Manchester, in the second, 
and James W. Johnson in the third. 



IN THE FORTY - FIFTH CONGRESS 395 

Cyrus A. Sulloway's career in ]^ew Hampshire poli- 
tics is unique. His political mistakes in early life, due 
to an impulsive and generous temperament, retarded 
his advancement. They were overlooked, however, by 
reason of his frankness in admitting them. Of com- 
manding stature, original expression, and strong mental 
equipment, he is popular in campaigns. He served 
many terms in the New Hampshire legislature. Re- 
turning to full accord with the Republican party in 
the campaign of 1892, he was elected to the fifty-fourth 
Congress, and has since been reelected four times. For 
the last three Congresses he has been chairman of the 
Committer on Invalid Pensions. 

There was a large number of Republican rallies 
during the fall campaign of 1878. In addition to his 
Avork in the State committee, Rollins was active upon 
the stiunp. William P. Frye, of Maine, opened the 
campaign at Manchester. With the exception of Frye, 
there were no outside speakers of national reputation, 
and the people of the State realized for the first time 
that the ISTew Hampshire election, by its transfer from 
March to November, had lost its national importance. 
From this time forward both New Hampshire Repub- 
licans and Democrats had to depend largely upon local 
talent for campaign speaking. 

The election resulted in a complete victory for the 
Republican party. The vote for governor was: Scat- 
tering, 129; Warren G. Brown, 6,385; Frank A. 
McKean, 31,083 ; Natt Head, 38,085. The Republi- 



396 



LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 



can plurality in the first Congressional district was 
2,502, in the second 2,941, and in the third, 952. 
The Kepublicans had a very large majority in the 
legislature. 



CHAPTEE XXI. 

ROLLINS IN THE FOflTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 

The forty-sixth Congress was convened in extra 
session March 18, 1879. There was a vacancy in the 
Senate from ISTew Hampshire because of the expira- 
tion of Senator Wadleigh's term, no successor having 
been chosen by the legislature. Governor Prescott ap- 
pointed Charles H. Bell, of Exeter, to fill the vacancy, 
and Senator KoUins presented his credentials. Objec- 
tion was made to receiving the credentials on the 
ground that this was not such a vacancy as the execu- 
tive of the State could fill by appointment. The con- 
stitution provides that " if vacancies happen by resig- 
nation or otherwise during the recess of the legisla- 
ture of any State, the executive thereof may make 
temporary appointments until the next meeting of the 
legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies." Did 
this vacancy so happen within the meaning of the con- 
stitution that the governor of ITew Hampshire could 
fill it by appointment? If the governor of a State 
could fill any vacancy occurring during a recess of 
the legislature, why had not the constitution so pro- 
vided in express terms ? It was generally admitted 
that the legislature could so far fail of its duty that 

397 



398 LIFE or EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

the executive of the State could not fill the vacancy 
by appointment. Was the 'New Hampshire vacancy 
such a case ? 

The situation in New Hampshire was exceptional, 
as has already been explained. A doubt existed as to 
which of two legislatures had the right to elect Senator 
Wadleigh's successor. The question had been brought 
to the attention of the previous Senate, and that body 
had permitted it to be understood that, without an 
enabling act, the legislature of June, 1878, could not 
fill the vacancy. The Senate had passed an enabling 
act which failed of becoming a law in conference of 
the two Houses of Congi-ess. The State of New 
Hampshire had acted upon the best light it could 
obtain, for the Senate was the " judge of the election, 
returns, and qualifications of its members." Of what 
use was it for the legislature of 1878 to elect a Senator 
if he was not likely to be admitted ? Should New 
Hampshire be deprived of her equal representation 
in the Senate because there was no legislature quali- 
fied to continue her Senatorial succession in that body ? 
All of these questions entered into the discussion 
which followed the presenting of Bell's credentials, 
and the equities of the case had something to do with 
settling it in Bell's favor. Replying to the objection 
made to Bell's credentials, Senator Rollins said: 

" Mr. President, before action is taken on the pend- 
ing question I desire to submit for the consideration 
of the Senate such precedents as I find which in my 
judgment are entitled to weight in the consideration 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 399 

of this case. After a most careful and diligent scru- 
tiny of the records of the Senate from, the foundation 
of the government down to the present time, I have 
found the following cases only of appointments made 
to fill a vacancy occasioned by the expiration of a tenu 
of office: 

" William Cocke, a Senator from the State of Ten- 
nessee, whose term of service expired March 3, 1797, 
was on the 22d of April, 1797, appointed by the gov- 
ernor to fill the vacancy occasioned by the expiration 
of his term. His credentials were presented May 15, 
1797, and he was admitted without objection. 

" Uriah Tracy, a Senator from the State of Con- 
necticut, whose term expired March 3, 1801, was 
admitted as a member of the Senate at the special ses- 
sion called March 4, 1801, under the appointment of 
the governor. Exceptions being taken to his creden- 
tials, he was admitted by a vote of thirteen yeas to 
ten nays, and held his seat until he was elected by 
the legislature in May following. 

" William Hindman, a Senator from the State of 
Maryland, whose tei-m of office expired March 3, 1801, 
was appointed by the governor March 4, 1801, and 
was admitted as a member of the Senate March 5, 
1801, without objection. He served until the election 
of his successor. 

" John Condit was appointed Senator from the 
State of ISTew Jersey, September 1, 1803, in place of 
Aaron Ogden, whose term expired March 3, 1803. He 
was admitted as a member of the Senate October 17, 



400 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

1803, without objection, and held his seat until his 
election by the legislature in ISTovember following. 
In this case the appointment does not seem to have 
been made until a vacancy actually existed, which is 
identical with the case under consideration. 

" Joseph Anderson, a Senator from the State of 
Tennessee, whose term expired March 3, 1809, was 
admitted as a member of the Senate at the extra ses- 
sion convened March 4, 1809, without question, under 
an appointment from the governor of his State. He 
served until he was elected by the legislature. 

" Samuel Smith, a Senator from the State of Mary- 
land, whose term expired March 3, 1809, Avas admitted 
as a member of the Senate at the special session March 
4, 1809, under an appointment by the executive. He 
was admitted without objection and held his seat until 
elected by the legislature in November following. 

" Charles Cutts, a Senator from the State of I^ew 
Hampshire, w^hose term expired March 3, 1813, was 
admitted as a member of the Senate at the special ses- 
sion on May 24, 1813, without question, under the 
appointment of the governor of his State, and served 
until the election of Jeremiah Mason in June fol- 
lowing. 

" John Williams, a Senator from the State of Ten- 
nessee, whose term expired March 3, 1817, was ad- 
mitted as a member of the Senate at the extra session 
called March 4, 1817, without objection, under an 
appointment by the executive, — his credentials hav- 
ing been read and filed during the previous session, — 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 401 

and held his seat until reelected by the legislature in 
October following. 

" James Lanman, a Senator from the State of Con- 
necticut, whose term expired March 3, 1825, was 
appointed by the governor February 8, 1825, to fill 
the vacancy which would occur at the expiration of 
his term. His credentials were presented at the called 
session March 4, 1825, and question being raised, 
the decision of the Senate was adverse to his right. 
The Senate in this case, as is sho^vn by the report of 
the committee, decided that a vacancy could not be 
filled by a governor until it actually existed. The 
Lanman case also differs from that of Mr. Bell in this : 
that the legislature of Connecticut which had held its 
annual session the May previous, notwithstanding it 
had a legal right to elect a Senator, failed to fill the 
vacancy. 

" Ambrose H. Sevier, a Senator from the State of 
Arkansas, whose term expired March 3, 1837, was 
appointed by the governor January 17, 1837, to 
fill the vacancy which would occur at the expiration 
of his term. At the called session March 4, 1837, 
objection was made, but he was admitted. 

" In both cases of Lanman and Sevier, the appoint- 
ments were made in anticipation of a vacancy which 
would occur at some future time. Such was the fact 
in the cases of Messrs. Tracy, Anderson, and Will- 
iams, and the decision in the Lanman case stands alone 
against all the others. 

" The appointments of Messrs. Cocke, Hindman, 



402 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Condit, Smith, and Ciitts appear to have been made 
after the vacancy actually occurred, and they were 
admitted without question. 

" These are all the cases found in the records where 
an appointment has been made by the executive of 
any State to fill a vacancy occurring by the expiration 
of a term of office. 

" In three cases, — those of Messrs. Tracy, Lan- 
man, and Sevier, — appointments made in anticipation 
of a vacancy about to occur, question was made ; and 
in two of these cases, Tracy and Sevier, the appointees 
were admitted. In the other case he was rejected. In 
five cases, where the appointment was made after the 
vacancy actually occurred, the appointees were ad- 
mitted without question. 

" In the case under consideration the appointment 
was made after the vacancy actually occurred, the 
credentials bearing date of March 13, 1879, the 
appointment having been made by the executive of 
"Nevf Hampshire after the expiration of the term of 
Senator Wadleigh, and subsequent to the call of the 
President of the United States for an extra session of 
Congi-ess. 

" The act of Congress of July 25, 1866, requires 
that Senators shall be elected by the legislature 
' chosen next preceding the expiration ' of any term. 
By reason of a change in the constitution of N^ew 
Hampshire which took effect October 1, 1878, two 
legislatures were chosen in the year 1878, one in 
March under the old constitution, whose term of office 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 403 

commenced in June, 1878, and will continue to June, 
1879, and the other in November, whose term of office 
will not commence until June, 1879, and will con- 
tinue to June, 1881. 

" Upon a bill being introduced into the Senate of the 
United States in June, 1878, to define which of these 
two legislatures had the power to elect a successor to 
Mr. Wadleigh, the committee on privileges and elec- 
tions made a report (No. 485) that only the legisla- 
ture chosen in November, 1878, had the power, which 
report was adopted by the Senate. The legislature 
chosen in March, therefore, took no steps to elect a 
successor to Mr. Wadleigh. But the legislature chosen 
in November, 1878, cannot be assembled until June, 
1879. Therefore, in March, 1879, when the vacancy 
occurred, there was no legislature in being or capable 
of being assembled with power to elect a Senator. On 
the principle of the Sevier case, therefore, the gov- 
ernor had the right of appointment. 

" In these circumstances, with these precedents, I 
hope the oath of office will be administered to Mr. 
Bell. Then, if it is desirable to make any inquiry, 
the credentials may be referred to the committee on 
privileges and elections." 

Objection still being made to the acceptance of 
Bell's credentials, they were referred to the committee 
on privileges and elections, before whom Rollins ap- 
peared in advocacy of Bell's admission. The com- 
mittee reported its findings to the Senate, April 2d, 
in majority and minority reports, the division of the 



404 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

committee being along party lines. The Democratio 
majority reported against Bell's admission and the 
Republican minority in favor of it. The debate which 
followed covered all the points at issue and was par- 
ticif)ated in by some of the ablest laAv;)"ers of the Sen- 
ate. Although the committee divided on party lines, 
this was not the case with the Senate, the strongest 
argument against Bell's admission being made by 
Senator Matthew H. Carpenter, of Wisconsin, Repub- 
lican, and the most effective in his favor by Senator 
Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, Democrat. The 
Democrats had eight majority in the Senate, so the 
admission of Bell would not affect their supremacy 
in that body. The discussion Avas entirely free from 
partisan references. The opponents of Bell's admis- 
sion claimed that the Lanman case did more than 
settle the point made by Rollins, that the governor 
could not appoint until after a vacancy actually 
occurred, that it really determined that the executive 
could not appoint when the legislature had an oppor- 
tunity to act and failed to do its duty. They also 
asserted that the precedent established in the Lanman! 
case had not been departed from by the Senate since 
that time, as the Sevier case, which occurred later, 
differed from the Lanman case in that Sevier and his 
colleague from Arkansas were Senators chosen prior 
to the admission of the State, and had to determine 
between themselves by lot the length of their terms 
as required by the constitution, and that the legisla- 
ture could not know in advance which would draw 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 405 

the short term expiring while the legislature was not 
in session. 

In the course of the debate, the action of the pre- 
vious Senate in declaring that the legislature of June, 
1878, had not the right to choose Wadleigh's successor 
came up for consideration and criticism. Senators 
Conkling and Kernan, of New York, Blaine, of 
Maine, Carpenter, of Wisconsin, Davis, of Illinois, 
McDonald, of Indiana, Hill, of Georgia, Beck, of 
Kentucky, and Eaton, of Connecticut, repudiated it. 
Senator Eaton going so far as to intimate that the 
opinion of the Senate was secured by a trick. Cam- 
eron, of Wisconsin, defended the McMillan report, 
and his view that the legislature of 1878 had not the 
right to elect Wadleigh's successor received the sup- 
port of Bayard, Dawes, and other Senators. So far 
as disclosed, the opposition of most of Bell's opponents 
was that the legislature of June, 1878, had the right 
to elect a Senator and had failed to do its duty. Rol- 
lins, who was championing Bell's admission, wisely 
refrained from discussing the question which legis- 
lature of E^ew Hampshire had the right to elect Wad- 
leigh's successor, but based his reply to the objections 
raised to Bell's admission on the equities of the case 
as shown by the facts presented in their relation to 
the precedents of the Senate. In his second speech in 
this debate, he said: 

" As we understand the Lanman case, Mr. Bell's 
application does not conflict with it at all. It may be 
summed up in a few words. In that case a legislature 



406 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

competent to elect had met and failed to elect a Sena- 
tor. In this case no legislature met prior to his 
appointment that was competent to elect. The Senate 
of the United States had so decided. In the case of 
Mr. Lanman, the appointment was made in anticipa- 
tion of a vacancy. In this case, the appointment was 
not made until after the vacancy happened, so that 
it makes no difference whatever for the present pur- 
pose how you construe the Lamnan case. If you say 
that it turned upon the question of the appointment of 
the governor prior to the happening of the vacancy, 
then it is not a precedent to govern in this case. If 
you say that it turned upon the other point (and 
that I am inclined to think is the true state of the 
case), if it turned upon the point made by the Senator 
from Tennessee that a legislature competent to fill the 
vacancy having once been in session and that legisla- 
ture having failed to perform its clear duty, the power 
of the governor was exhausted and the Senate of the 
United States did right in rejecting ]\Ir. Lanman. 
Still that is not this case. ISTo legislature of 'New 
Hampshire has ever been in session nor could any leg- 
islature have been convened prior to the vacancy that 
could elect a Senator to fill the vacancy, if the deci- 
sion of the Senate of the United States upon that ques- 
tion last June is the correct decision. A single sug- 
gestion further, Mr. President, as to one other point. 
There may be some who believe that the legislature 
of ISTew Hampshire which held its session in June, 
1878, should have elected a Senator to succeed Sen- 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 407 

ator Wadleigh, whose term was then about to expire. 
There was some conflict of opinion about this among 
lawyers, and the matter was referred to a committee 
of the Senate, and, upon their report, the Senate (the 
final tribunal for the decision of such questions) denied 
the right of that legislature to elect. This construc- 
tion of the law made by the only tribunal authorized 
to act thereon was accepted as binding. The legisla- 
ture could not be expected to elect in the face of that 
decision, and, if that decision was wrong and a 
vacancy happened thereby, the State ought not to 
suffer." 

It is apparent that a number of the Senators ■who 
voted in favor of Bell's admission were influenced to 
do so by the situation in which N^ew Hampshire had 
been placed by the action of the previous Senate. 
Bell's cause was ably championed by Senators Hoar, 
of Massachusetts, Blaine, of Maine, Cameron, of Wis- 
consin, McMillan, of Michigan, Republicans, and 
Bayard, of Delaware, McDonald, of Indiana, Jones, 
of Florida, and Groome, of Maryland, Democrats. 
He also had the support of Thurman, of Ohio, al- 
though the latter was absent when the vote was taken. 
The vote stood 35 in favor to 29 against, and Bell was 
sworn in as a Senator. Senators Carpenter and Conk- 
ling, Republicans, and Davis, Independent, voted 
against Bell's admission, while ten Democrats voted 
in his favor. 

Rollins was entitled to, and received credit for, the 
skill with which he handled the Bell case. Very few 



408 LIFE OF EDAVARD H. ROLLINS 

people in "New Hampshire had confidence in Bell's 
admission to the Senate. The Democratic party had 
come into control of that body for the first time since 
1861, and the extra session opened with political 
debates in both houses. The Lanman case was gen- 
erally regarded as an adverse and well-established 
precedent. The Senate which gave the opinion that 
prevented the legislature of June, 18 78, from electing 
a Senator had a Republican majority. Of that Sen- 
ate some twenty or more had been retired to private 
life and new men had taken their places. It was a 
good deal to expect that even the equities of the case 
would prevail with the new Democratic majority. 
New Hampshire had changed her constitution with 
the full knowledge of the United States statute of 
1866. The Republican party had controlled the con- 
stitutional convention of 1876. The Republican party 
in the legislature of 1877 had fixed the time for the 
constitutional amendment to go into effect. The 
Republican party again in 1878 had appealed to a 
Republican Senate to interpret the work of the con- 
stitutional convention. If the opinion of the previous 
Senate had been obtained by a trick, as Senator Eaton 
intimated in the debate, there was no obligation rest- 
ing upon the Democratic majority of this Senate to 
set the matter right. 'No just complaint could have 
been made if the Democratic Senators had stood to- 
gether in refusing to admit Bell as a Senator. The 
decision of the Senate, therefore, came as a surprise 
to both Republicans and Democrats of !N"ew Hamp- 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 409 

shire. The Exeter- News Letter, whose editor was in 
Washington at the time, and who was intensely inter- 
ested in Bell's case, had this to say of Rollins's part 
in the contest: 

" To Senator Rollins of ISTew Hampshire must be 
accredited the work of preparing the case for presenta- 
tion to the Senate. From first to last he steadfastly 
maintained and contended for the right of his State 
to full representation in the Senate, all hair-splitting 
objections to the contrary notwithstanding. He pro- 
duced an overwhelming array of precedent cases, all 
of which sustained the demand for admission. These 
cases he submitted in an argument before the Senate, 
and the minority of the committee embodied them in 
its report. Mr. Rollins also spoke in a long debate 
that followed the report, making one of the strongest 
speeches of that discussion." 

The Democrats being in control of the Senate, Rol- 
lins, with other members of the minority party, took 
lower places on committees. Rollins was assigned to 
the committees on manufactures. District of Colum- 
bia, civil service and entrenchment and enrolled bills. 
Later, he was made a member of two special committees, 
one on the Yorktown centennial celebration, and the 
other, contagious diseases among cattle. His principal 
committee work was on that of the District of Colum- 
bia, the record showing him reporting a large number 
of measures for the benefit of the District, debating 
their provisions, and working to secure legislative 
action. 



410 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

At this date and for some years after, all appropria- 
tion bills were in the control of the committee on 
appropriations of the Senate. There existed opposi- 
tion to the rule that referred all these bills to that 
committee, for the reason that it placed large power 
in the hands of a very few men. Rollins, early in the 
session, introduced a resolution to amend the rules so 
as to divide the work of the appropriation committee. 
His resolution left the committee on appropriations 
the legislative, deficiency, and sundry civil appropria- 
tion bills, but gave to the committees on military 
affairs, naval affairs, foreign relations, Indian affairs, 
post-offices, commerce, District of Columbia, pensions, 
public buildings and grounds, and agriculture the 
appropriation bills relating to the subjects usually 
referred to these committees. This was a most radical 
change of rules, and the resolution was referred to the 
committee on rules, where it was kept for the re- 
mainder of the Congress. Within a few years a divi- 
sion of the appropriation bills among the various com- 
mittees of the Senate has taken place along the lines 
suggested by Rollins, but the present practice is not 
so sweeping a change as was indicated by his resolution. 

The time of this Congress was taken up largely with 
the consideration of political matters, the Democrats 
devoting much time through their control of the com- 
mittees of both Houses to investigating the departments 
of govermnent and elections in some of the Northern 
States. Some of these investigations were the work 
of the committee on civil service and retrenchment, of 



IN THE FORTY - SIXTH CONGRESS 411 

which Rollins was a member and Butler, of South Car- 
olina., chainnan. Toward the close of the second session 
Rollins made a political speech reviewing the work 
of these investigating committees. Like all of his 
political speeches, it was not only pointed but exasper- 
ating to the Democrats. Fortified by the facts pre- 
sented to the committee of which he was a member, he 
made comparison of election methods l^orth and South, 
which was especially provoking to Senators Butler, of 
South Carolina, and Lamar, of Mississippi. Both 
resented the imputations put upon their States by 
Rollins' s exhibits and gave notice of intention to 
reply formally. Congress, however, adjourned sine 
die within a short time without either Senator making 
specific answer to the charges. The debate on the 
questions raised by these investigations continued to 
the close of the session. 

Rollins also made a speech in opposition to a bill 
providing for the promotion of certain naval officers. 
This was one of those measures intended to give ad- 
vance rank to certain officers of the navy who, it was 
claimed, had been slighted by the Navy Department in 
its general provisions for promotions. After showing 
by the records that no injustice had been done them, 
he objected to the practice of Congress interfering in 
such matters as demoralizing to the efficiency of the 
service. This was the beginning of some very effective 
work on his part in behalf of the navy, for in the next 
Congress he became a member of the committee on 
naval affairs. 



CllAriEK XXll. 

EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSUIKK 

Ir had boon IovosIuuIowihI for some time that Sen- 
ator WadkMgh wasi to have op]>osition to his rot urn 
to the Senate. As soon as the fall eleetion of 187S 
was over, the contest for a seat in the Senate hejian. 
Wadleigh's leading opponent was llonrv W, Hlair, 
whose second term as Congressman expired with the 
fortv-tifth Congress. l-»lair developed a remarkable 
personal following, whieh he snoeessfully held for 
many years. All of his campaigns were directed bv 
himself and he was withont an eqnal in Xew Hamp- 
shire polities in the art of attaching men to his polit- 
iciil fortunes. Loval to his supporters and the prin- 
ciples of the party, accepting criticism without com- 
plaint, a philosopher in every emergency, he triumphed 
over varied opposition. He had the courage of his con- 
victions and did not he^it^ite to champion an unpopular 
cause. Ilis obliging disposition and readiness to givo 
every subject a hearing attached his name to projects 
for which he was in no wise responsible and which- 
never received his direct approval. The obloquy he 
incuiTcd on this account at no time drew from him 
explanation or a]tologv. although it aifccted contempo- 

412 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 413 

raneoiis judgment of }ii,s ability. His educational bill, 
a national measure for the benefit of the South, wliich 
just failed of success, would have Ixien. the solution 
of some of the present problems of tbat section of tbe 
country. After serving two terms in the Senate, he 
was again i-eturned to tbe national House of Repre- 
sentatives, redeeming a district which had been twice 
lost by the Republican party. His service in both 
Houses of Congress covered a period of eighteen years, 
a record made by only one of his predecessors in New 
Ilajiipshire. 

Other avowed candidates for Wadleigh's seat were 
Orrin C. Moore, Gihnan Marston, and Aaron F. Ste- 
vens, the last two being members of the incoming 
legislature. Marston was a gallant soldier of the Civil 
War, an able lawyer, and had served three terms in 
Congress, During his service in the T^ew TTampsliire 
legislature, he invariably lield the position of chairman 
of the judiciary committee. In this place he was of 
unquestioned service to the State in preventing crude 
and unnecessary legislation. He did not often par- 
ticipate in del)ate, but, when he did, the House was 
frequently carried by the strength of his argument and 
his eloquence;. He had a gruff ext/irior, but underneath 
the surface lay a disposition susceptible of emotion and 
sympathy. His ambition, gratified only by executive 
appointment later to fill a vacancy, was to go to the 
TTnifed States Senate. He had been a candidate with 
considerable sup])ort as early as 1804, and he amtinued 
to hope for an elf;ction until the close of his active life. 



414 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

This ambition was not without its influence on his pub- 
lic career and caused him to bend frequently before 
clouds threatening popular disfavor. It was his weak- 
ness, yet to the last there was a profound admiration 
for his ability, which ranked him as one of the intel- 
lectually great men of the State. 

Stevens was the Republican party leader on the 
floor for many legislative sessions. He, too, had served 
with distinction in the Civil War, while in civil life 
he had attained national distinction. He was twice 
elected to Congress, where his ability was recog-nized, 
but he failed of a. third election by just a few votes. 
In all the political contests of the legislatures of which 
he was a member, the burden of defending the Repub- 
lican cause against the assaults of such Democratic 
leaders as Harry Bingham and John G. Sinclair de- 
volved upon him. In debate and parliamentary pro- 
cedure he demonstrated again and again his capacity 
for leadership. The party was undoubtedly indebted 
to him for many of its legislative triumphs. Stevens 
was a man of commanding presence, and to those who 
did not enjoy his intimate acquaintance his manner 
sometimes seemed haughty and repelling, but his 
friends were devoted and loyal. He, too, had been 
an aspirant for the United States Senate, having en- 
tered the lists in 1870 as a candidate against Aaron H. 
Cragin when the latter was seeking reelection. His 
canvass at this time was conducted with great shrewd- 
ness. Being the first choice of only a small number 
of members, he secured a large number of pledges as 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 415 

second choice. His vote grew after the first ballot, 
and the contest finally narrowed to a choice between 
him and Blair. Had Stevens been nominated it might 
have had an important bearing on the election of Rol- 
lins's successor two years later. Certainly it would 
have removed from the arena one of the leading oppo- 
nents to Rollins' s reelection. 

The Republican legislative caucus was held the week 
preceding the time for the election of a Senator by the 
legislature. Nine ballots were necessary to a choice, 
which resulted in Blair's favor. ^ 

The campaign of 1880, in ISTew Hampshire, early 
gave promise of being closely contested. The Demo- 
crats fixed upon Frank Jones, of Portsmouth, as their 
candidate for governor. He had twice carried the first 
Congressional district as a candidate for Congress, 
and his party had strong hopes of electing him as 
its gubernatorial candidate. The party also made 
special efforts to strengthen the ticket in its Congres- 

Ist 2d 3d 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 

1 Chandler 1 

Bell 11111 111 

Harrlmaii 1 

Tappan 2 

Doe 2 11 

Briggs 2 2 5 2 2 

Prescott 2 4 3 

Patterson 6 3 4 3 1 

Stevens 20 22 30 49 58 60 79 91 92 

Marston 22 23 23 26 26 20 4 

Moore 23 28 28 28 32 32 25 2 

Wadleigh 45 40 32 9 1 1 

Blair 68 67 66 64 64 70 76 91 94 



416 LIFE OF EDAYARD H. ROLLINS 

sional nominations. The Republican nomination for 
governor was settled in advance of the convention. 
Charles H. Bell, of Exeter, who had been a candidate 
for the nomination in the previous convention and who 
had served for three months in the Senate by executive 
appointment, was the choice of the entire party. He 
was a man of scholarly attainments and acknowledged 
ability. He had served in both branches of the legis- 
lature and had been Speaker of the House and presi- 
dent of the Senate. Prior to his appointment to the 
United States Senate, he had for several years retired 
from active politics. He proved to be an exception- 
ally strong candidate. 

The Republican State convention was held Septem- 
ber 7, 1880, being called to order by the chairman of 
the Republican State committee, Henry H. Huse. 
Daniel Barnard, of Franklin, presided, and Ossian 
Ray, of Lancaster, reported the resolutions. Bell was 
nominated by acclamation. In the first Congressional 
district Joshua G. Hall was renominated, as was Evarts 
W. Farr in the third district. In the second district 
there was opposition to giving James F. Briggs a third 
nomination, but through Rollins's influence he was re- 
nominated. The Republican State committee reorgan- 
ized by the reelection of Henry H. Huse as chairman, 
George E. Jenks as secretary, and John Kimball as 
treasurer, with Rollins still chairman of the executive 
committee. 

The Democratic State convention met September 15, 
1880, being called to order by the chairman of the 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 417 

State committee, George F. Putnam, of Haverhill. 
John H. George, of Concord, presided. Harry Bing- 
ham, of Littleton, placed Frank Jones in nomination 
for governor, and he received 600 of the 601 votes cast. 
The Democratic Congressional candidates were John 
W. Sanborn, of Wakefield, in the first district, Alvah 
W. Sulloway, of Franklin, in the second, and George 
A. Bingham, of Littleton, in the third, the latter resign- 
ing from the Supreme Court to accept the nomination. 

Entire harmony marked the action of the Democrats 
in this campaign. They were made especially enthu- 
siastic by the result of the Maine election, which 
occurred just before their convention assembled. The 
first returns from that State chronicled a Democratic 
victory, and the result was a great disappointment to 
the Republicans. It, however, stirred them to greater 
activity. Rollins threw himself into the campaign with 
his accustomed vigor and was at headquarters directing 
affairs until the campaign closed. The result was a 
great surprise to the Democrats. Bell was elected gov- 
ernor by a popular majority of 3,500, and the Republi- 
cans carried the legislature by a large majority. They 
also carried all of the Congressional districts and had 
a majority of four thousand for their electoral ticket. 
Both the Prohibitionists and the Greenbackers made 
noniinations in this campaign, but the vote of these 
two parties was insignificant. 

The election was no sooner over than the old ques- 
tion of which legislature should elect a Senator was 
revived. Senator Bell, during his brief term in the 



418 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

Senate, had introduced a bill in relation to the elec- 
tion of a Senator from E^ew Hampshire which was 
referred to the committee on privileges and elections, 
to be subsequently reported adversely by that commit- 
tee and indefinitely postponed by the Senate without 
debate. Senator Rollins's term would expire March 
4, 1883. The legislature to be chosen in ISTovember, 
1882, would not meet until June, 1883, and the legis- 
lature just chosen would be the last legislature elected 
and organized before the expiration of Rollins's term. 
The opinion of some of the ablest lawyers of the Senate 
was that the legislature elected and organized was the 
legislature " chosen next preceding the expiration of 
the term." There were two ways of preventing a 
hiatus in the Senatorial terms of 'New Hampshire. 
One was for the legislature in being at the time the 
term expired to elect a Senator and let the Senate 
decide the question of his admission. The other was 
to get the people of New Hampshire to call a consti- 
tutional convention to change the time of the meeting 
of the legislature. The latter course had its difficul- 
ties, for a majority of the people must be convinced 
•of the necessity of calling a convention. The conven- 
tion when assembled must vote for the amendment, and, 
when the amendment was submitted to the people, two- 
thirds of the votes cast must be cast in its favor. Rol- 
lins determined to bring the question before the incom- 
ing legislature as the short and direct cut to the solu- 
tion of the problem. Out of this appeal of Rollins to 
the legislature of June, 1881, came another constitu- 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 419 

tional convention in ISTew Hampshire, but eight years 
elapsed before it was called. 

The Democratic party, which had nothing to lose 
and everything to gain by preventing an election by 
the legislature to meet in June, 1881, naturally lined 
up in opposition to RoUins's effort. The Republicans 
of the State looked at his proposition from different 
points of view. Coming as it did from a candidate 
for reelection, the aspirants for Rollins's seat regarded 
it as giving him an unfair advantage over themselves. 
The question had not entered into the preceding cam- 
paign, and it was asserted by those who were opposed 
to Rollins that he had quietly secured the election of 
his friends and supporters as members of this legisla- 
ture, while the other aspirants for Senatorial honors 
had refrained from effort in the belief that the question 
of the election of a Senator would not come to the front 
until two years later. There is no evidence that Rol- 
lins had interested himself in the selection of Repub- 
lican members of the legislature, but his opponents 
believed, and were, therefore, firm in the opinion, that 
his connection at Republican headquarters with the 
preceding campaign had given him this opportunity. 
Again, there were Republicans who thought that, 
whatever the legal aspects of the case, a Senator 
should not be elected so long in advance of the begin- 
ning of his term. If the legislature of June, 1881, 
were to choose a Senator, it would be a year and nine 
months before his term began, and, unless there was 
an extra session of the Senate or of Congress, he would 



420 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

not be called upon to perform any legislative duties 
for two years and a half. When, therefore, the ques- 
tion came before the Eepublican members of the legis- 
lature, the legal proposition was mixed with political 
and personal considerations, and these considerations 
were controlling factors in defeating an election of 
Senator. 

The legislature of June, 1881, was one of the ablest 
legislatures ever assembled in New Hampshire. The 
Republican leaders included William E. Chandler, 
Gilman Marston, Aaron F. Stevens, Walter Harri- 
man, and Ira Colby, while the Democrats were led 
by Harry Bingham, Edward B. S. Sanborn, Joseph 
D. Weeks, of Canaan, George E. Cochrane, of Far- 
mington, and Joseph Q. Roles, of Ossipee. Other mem- 
bers who were then prominent or who have since come 
into prominence were Chester B. Jordan, of Lancaster, 
Alonzo H. Quint and George S. Frost, of Dover, 
Henry Robinson, of Concord, Edmund E. Truesdale, 
of Pembroke, Adam S. Ballantyne, of Northfield, Al- 
bert A. Rotch, of Amherst, Albert M. Shaw and 
Charles A. Dole, of Lebanon, Elihu T. Quimby, of 
Hanover, Christopher H. Wells, of Somersworth, John 
Hatch, of Greenland, Alson L. Brown, of Whitefield, 
Albert L. Eastman, of Hampstead, Herman W. 
Greene, of Hopkinton, Isaac L. Heath, Waterman 
Smith, John C. Ray, and John C. Bickford, of Man- 
chester, Frank K. Hobbs, of Ossipee, George W. Mann, 
of Benton, Irving W. Watson, of ISTorthumberland, and 
Ithiel E. Clay, of Chatham. 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 421 

The Senate was also exceptionally strong, as its 
roster shows. The Senators were: Amos C. Chase, of 
Kingston, Joseph H. Clough, of E"ew London, Cor- 
nelius Cooledge, of Hillshoro, Alfred A. Cox, of En- 
field, George W. Cummings, of Francestown, Grovenor 
A. Curtis, of Hopkinton, George H. Fairbanks, of 
Newport, Virgil C. Gilman, of Nashua, George C. 
Gilmore, of Manchester, Richard Gove, of Laconia, 
Edward Gustine, of Keene, Lafayette Hall, of New- 
market, Timothy Kaley, of Milford, John Kimball, of 
Concord, Silas F. Learnard, of Chester, Edward F. 
Mann, of Benton, Sherburne R. Merrill, of Colebrook, 
Joseph C. Moore, of Gilford, John M. Parker, of Fitz- 
william, J. F. Seavey, of Dover, Charles W. Tal- 
pey, of Farmington, George H. Towle, of Deerfield, 
John S. Treat, of Portsmouth, and David B. Vamey, 
of Manchester. 

The State Senate organized by the choice of John 
Kimball as president. He was one of Rollins's 
staunchest supporters, and was for many years treas- 
urer of the Republican State committee. A man of 
probity, he has the confidence of the entire State. 
Frank and outspoken, of clear judgment, fearless in 
the discharge of public or private duties, John Kimball 
is a representative of the highest ideals in citizenship. 
Four times mayor of Concord, he gave the city business 
administrations unexcelled in its history. He could 
have been governor of the State if he had consented to 
consider the nomination at the hands of his party. 

Chester B. Jordan was elected Speaker without op- 



422 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

position. He was a popular presiding officer, his un- 
conventionality and good humor contributing much to 
softening the asperities arising out of the discussion 
of the Senatorial question. Jordan had been active 
in politics in the Democratic stronghold of Coos 
County. His coming to the legislature enlarged his 
acquaintance in the State and paved the way for his 
election as governor of the State, a position he filled 
with credit to himself and with advantage to the 
State. 

The legislature met June 1, 1881. In his message, 
Governor Bell referred to the Senatorial question as 
follows : 

" One of the earliest questions which will call for 
your decision is whether you will elect a United States 
Senator to hold office for the term of six years begin- 
ning on the 4th day of March, 1883. The law of the 
United States provides in substance that a Senator 
shall be elected by the legislature which is chosen next 
before the vacancy is to occur. It is contended that 
this should be construed so as to mean the legislature 
which is chosen and organized next before the occur- 
rence of the vacancy. It is for you to determine 
whether or not you will act upon this construction of 
the law. If you decide to do so, the choice of Senator 
is to be made in the manner and at the period of the 
session presented by the law of the United States." 

Both houses of the legislature took action the same 
day upon this part of the governor's message. The 
Senate upon motion of Senator Seavey, a lifelong 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 423 

friend of Rollins, submitted this question to the 
Supreme Court of the State: 

" Has the existing legislature the power and right 
to elect a Senator to represent the State in the Senate 
of the United States for the term beginning March 
4, 1883?" 

The House on motion of Walter Harriman referred 
this part of the governor's message to the judiciary 
committee for an opinion, requesting an early report. 
Thereupon there arose a contest between those favor- 
ing an election of Senator and those opposed, to 
see which could be first submitted and acted upon, the 
opinion of the Supreme Court or the opinion of the 
judiciary committee. All of the prominent lawyers 
of the House were opposed to an election and the judi- 
ciary committee was not long in reaching a conclusion. 
Only one member of the committee favored an election, 
and he was Henry Robinson, RoUins's son-in-law. 

The committee reported through Chandler its con- 
clusions, a minority report being presented by Robin- 
son. The majority report, after reciting the provisions 
of the constitution of the United States regarding the 
election of Senators, said : " The effect of these pro- 
visions clearly is to give the legislatures of the States 
respectively the right to choose Senators in Congress 
and to give to Congress the paramount right at any 
time by law to make or alter regulations as to the 
times and manner of choosing Senators by the legis- 
lature of each State. In the exercise of the power 
thus given by the constitution of the United States, 



424 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

Congress passed the act regulating the election of Sen- 
ators, July 25, 1866. Prior to this act of 1866, each 
State regulated the times and manner of electing Sen- 
ators as well as the place of holding the election. 
Abuses sprang up under this system which the act of 
Congress was intended to avoid. In some cases parti- 
san members, having control of a State legislature, 
elected without reference to the choice of a Senator, 
anticipating the expiration of a Senatorial term, and 
that an intervening legislature chosen, or to be chosen, 
would be composed of a majority of members of adverse 
politics to their own, elected a Senator long before the 
term for which he was elected began. In other in- 
stances, when the two houses of the legislature were 
of adverse politics, the election of Senators was ob- 
structed. To avoid these and other abuses and to 
secure the latest expression of the people through its 
legislature, Congress passed the act of 1866 regulating 
both the time and manner of the election of Senators 
by the legislature of each State." 

The report then gave a resume of the attempts made 
to secure from the United States Senate a construction 
of this statute as applied to the I^ew Hampshire case, 
and asserted that the McMillan report of the Senate 
committee on privileges and elections had never been 
reversed, " although several Senators had expressed 
their individual opinions in favor of the right of the 
legislature of 18Y8 to elect Wadleigh's successor." 
Continuing, the report said : " At the time of the elec- 
tion of the present legislature in ISTovember, 1880, it 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 425 

is indisputable that the people of the State of both 
political parties rested upon the determination of 1878, 
and had expectation that the legislature elected in 1882 
would choose a Senator. The single question now be- 
fore the House is whether it will regard the law of 
1866, conform to the precedent of 1878, and remit the 
next election of Senator to the legislature of 1883, or 
will disregard the law, reverse the precedent, and elect 
a Senator two and a half years before he will be called 
upon to take his seat." 

The minority report reviewed the action of the Sen- 
ate on the McMillan report and the debate on the ques- 
tion of the admission of Senator Bell, and quoted the 
opinions of Senators Conkling, Eaton, Kernan, Blaine, 
Carpenter, Davis, Beck, Wallace, and McDonald as 
declaring that the legislature of 1878 should have 
elected Wadleigh's successor. The conclusion of this 
report was that the express purpose of the act of 
1866 was to facilitate elections, secure an unbroken 
representation for every State and not to create vacan- 
cies, that it was the manifest intent of Congress to vest 
the power of electing a Senate in a legislature in exist- 
ence and having official powers at the time the term 
expires, that the State has a constitutional right to 
continuous representation in the Senate by the choice 
of its legislature which cannot be infringed, impaired, 
or taken away by any act of Congress, that, if the law 
cannot be so construed, it is clearly unconstitutional, 
null, and void. 

The Senate received the opinion of the Supreme 



426 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Court before the judiciary committee's report could 
be acted upon by the House, so that, in the discussion 
which ensued in the House, both the opinion of the 
court and the opinion of the committee were* consid- 
ered. The opinion of the court was signed by Chief 
Justice Doe and Judges Foster, Stanley, Allen, Smith, 
and Clark, four Republicans and two Democrats. 
Judge Blodgett declined to give an opinion on the 
ground that he had not had time to consider the ques- 
tion. The court said : 

" The primary right of the State is not to be repre- 
sented five years and nine months, or any other part 
of each Senatorial term, by two Senators chosen by the 
legislature, but to be represented during the whole 
of each term by two Senators so chosen ; and the mani- 
fest constitutional duty of the legislature is to elect 
Senators at such times, that the State may be repre- 
sented by two Senators, chosen by the legislature 
thereof for six years. 

" The, constitution of the United States is the 
supreme law of the land, and so long as it remains in 
force in its present form there can be no power. State 
or federal, legally capable of depriving a State of the 
right which the constitution has conferred upon it, or 
of relieving the legislature from the duty which the 
constitution has imposed upon it, and there is no more 
power legally to suspend the right and duty for a day 
than for six years, or forever. 

" The next legislature, having no official existence 
until June, 1883, cannot elect a Senator for the full 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 427 

term of six years, beginning March 4, 1883. There- 
fore, the refusal of the present legislature to elect a 
Senator for that term would be a violation of the con- 
stitutional right of the State to be represented by two 
Senators — ' chosen by the legislature thereof for six 
years.' Such a refusal, leaving the State for three 
months represented by only one Senator chosen by its 
legislature, would be as plainly unconstitutional as 
similar refusals leaving the State for all time without 
any Senator so chosen. 

" As Congress cannot legally violate the constitu- 
tional right of the State to be represented by two Sen- 
ators chosen by the legislature, and as that right would 
be violated by the refusal of the present legislature to 
elect, it is not necessary to inquire into the validity 
of the act of Congress. But, having examined the act, 
it may not be out of place to express the opinion that 
it is constitutional because it cannot be fairly con- 
strued to be a denial of the constitutional electoral 
duty of the present legislature. Section 15, prescribing 
the manner of election, has no bearing on the present 
question, which is a question of the time only. Section 
14 fixes the time. It provides, in substance, that a 
Senator shall be elected by the legislature which is 
chosen next preceding the beginning of a Senatorial 
term. 

" The legislature here intended is a body of men 
who are the legislature before the beginning of the 
Senatorial term, and not a body of men who will be 



428 LIFE OF EDW^UID H. ROLLINS 

the legislature if tliej are alive, three months after the 
beginning of the term." 

An attempt was made to have the Eepublicans cau- 
cus on this question, but, when the caucus met, the 
leaders who were opposed to an election of Senator 
stated that they would not be bound by caucus action, 
so the attempt was abandoned. 

Upon the receipt of the opinion of the supreme 
court, the State Senate proceeded on the day appointed 
by the United States statute to vote for United States 
Senator and notified the House that it was ready to 
meet it in joint convention to complete the legislative 
action. In the House several days of interesting and 
spicy debate followed the report of the judiciary com- 
mittee. Prior to the vote in the House, the Democrats 
met in caucus and voted to support the majority report 
of the judiciary committee, being brought into line for 
attendance and action by their leader, Harry Bing- 
ham. 

Few men leading a minority party in the legislature 
through successive sessions of bitter partisan contest 
have won the generous confidence and affection that 
was accorded to Harry Bingham in the State of ISTew 
Hampshire. On all matters not partisan his influence 
in the legislature was unrivalled. He had a compre- 
hensive knowledge of the State and its needs, and, as 
a member of the judiciary committee of the House, 
he was ever helpful in shaping legislation. When 
thoroughly aroused in debate, he was a veritable lion, 
and his speech, ordinarily deliberate, poured forth in 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 429 

strong and eloquent periods. Fear be knew not, and, 
regardless of the passions and prejudices of the hour, 
he stood by bis convictions even if he stood alone. Ses- 
sion after session, from the time of the stormy Civil 
War period to 1891, he fought in the lower branch of 
the legislature the battles of the Democratic party with 
a vigor that knew no thought of surrender. The latter 
session closed his legislative service. During Presi- 
dent Cleveland's second administration he took issue 
with him on the Hawaiian question, and later opposed 
the election of Bryan to the Presidency. Frequently 
he was the candidate of his party for United States 
Senator. Had he been elected to that body, he would 
have taken rank with Edmunds and Thurman as a 
constitutional lawyer and a constructive statesman. 
Between him and Gilman Marston there existed a 
w^arm and intimate friendship. There was much of 
similarity in the two, but Bingham was the stronger 
and more positive force. 

Another able member of the minority party at tliis 
session was Edward B. S. Sanborn, of Franklin. He 
was a sound lawyer and an accomplished advocate. 
His legislative triumphs were numerous. He had the 
rare faculty of knowing when a speech would be most 
effective. His participation in debate was generally 
confined to two or three occasions during the session. 
Near the close of some interesting and protracted dis- 
cussion, when it seemed as if the last word had been 
spoken, Sanborn would rise and address the House 



430 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

with a freshness of treatment of the subject and a 
power of statement rarely equalled. 

In the debate in the House, Bingham, who had been 
quoted by Wadleigh two years previous as giving an 
opinion that the legislature of 1878 should elect a 
Senator, put his opposition to an election at this time 
solely on the ground that the question had been deter- 
mined by the legislature of 1878, and by the United 
States Senate in its action on the McMillan report. 

When the vote was taken in the House, 118 Republi- 
cans favored an election and 119 Democrats and 63 
Eepublicans voted against it. This ended the contro- 
versy so far as the legislature of 1881 was concerned. 
It was to recur again tMo years later when Blair 
brought it before the Eepublican legislative caucus to 
determine which legislature should elect his successor. 
The legal aspect of the case was no more determined 
by the legislature of ISTew Hampshire than it had 
been by the Senate of the United States, for expediency 
had largely controlled the votes of members of the leg- 
islature. The letters from the capital of Henry M. 
Putney, the editor of the Mirror, to his paper, sets out 
this view as follows: 

" After the caucus of last week, Mr. Chandler for 
the majority of the judiciary committee, made a report 
that it is inexpedient to elect a Senator this year, which 
was followed by a minority report with an opposite 
conclusion. The debates in the House have been upon 
the adoption of these reports. Generals Marston, Ste- 
vens, and Harriman, Mr. Chandler, and Professor 



EVENTS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 431 

Quimbj, of Hanover, doing the talking for the inexpe- 
diency doctrine, and Doctor Quint, Greene, of Hopkin- 
ton, Eobinson, of Concord, and Dole, of Lebanon, for 
the other. It has not escaped attention that neither the 
majority report nor its advocates, with the exception 
of General Marston, have declared that an election at 
this time would be illegal, it being deemed sufl&cient, 
and much safer, to oppose it as inexpedient." 



CHAPTEK XXIII. 

ROLLINS IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 

The Senate of the Fortj-seventh Congress was con- 
vened in extra session March 4, 1881. The elections 
of 1880 had increased the Republican representation in 
that body, but neither side had a distinct majority of its 
members. There were two Senators who were classed 
as independent, David Davis, of Illinois, and William 
Mahone, of Virginia. If both acted with either party 
they would give that party control of the Senate. If 
the two divided in their party support, there would be 
an equal division of the Senate, and Vice-President 
Arthur would have the casting vote. Davis, after his 
election to the Senate, two years before, had generally 
acted with the Democrats, and there was no reason to 
think that his course would be different in this Con- 
gress. The organization of the Senate committees and 
the election of the Senate officers, therefore, depended 
upon the position taken by Senator Mahone. 

In Virginia politics toward the close of the re- 
construction period the State had been wrested from tlie 
control of the Republicans by what was known as the 
Conservative party, local issues predominating in the 
campaigns. The Conservative party did not take the 

432 



IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 433 

name of Democrat until about 1880. In the meantime, 
the absorbing question in Virginian politics came to 
be the settlement of the State debt, which divided the 
Democratic or Conservative party. A new party came 
into existence, led by Mahone, known as the Keadjus- 
ter party. This party favored one settlement of the 
State debt, and the Democratic or Conservative party 
another. Mahone, standing for the protection of the 
negroes of Virginia in the exercise of the right of suf- 
frage, secured the support of the Republicans of the 
State, and most of that party was gradually merged 
into the Eeadjuster party. The Democratic party of 
Virginia was represented at the Democratic ^N'ational 
Convention of 1880, while the Readjuster party was 
not. Yet national issues had little bearing upon the 
State election of that year, many Readjusters of Dem- 
ocratic antecedents supporting the Democratic nom- 
inee for President. The Readjusters elected their 
candidate for governor and carried the legislature, 
while the Democrats secured the Presidential electors. 
Mahone was elected to the United States Senate by the 
legislature. The Democrats of Virginia were very 
bitter toward him, and he was socially ostracized by 
their leaders. 

When the United States Senate met in extra session, 
there were rumors that Mahone would act with the 
Republicans in the organization of that body. This 
was soon confiraied by his own declarations and by the 
nomination, as sergeant-at-arms of the Senate, by the 
Republican caucus, of Harrison H. Riddleberger, of 



434 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Virginia, one of Mahone's supporters and afterward 
his colleague in the Senate. The contest was precipi- 
tated by a resolution offered by the Republicans, giving 
them the chairmanships of the Senate committees. A 
long debate followed this resolution, in which Mahone 
was accused by the Democrats with deserting the Dem- 
ocratic party, and the Republicans charged with allying 
themselves with repudiators, as the Democrats called 
the Readjusters of Virginia. This last accusation was 
somewhat ludicrous, because neither the Democratic nor 
Readjuster party in Virginia proposed to pay the en- 
tire State debt, while in a number of Southern States 
repudiation of State debts had folloAved the accession 
to power of the Democrats in those States. Mahone 
defended his position with force and clearness, repelling 
the insinuations made against him by Democratic Sen- 
ators. All the charges of the Democrats were answered 
by the Republican Senators. The trend of the discus- 
sion is sho^vn by a speech made by Rollins during the 
debate. He said in his direct way: 

" I did not propose at this time and I do not propose 
now to detain the Senate with a discussion of this 
question, but there is one feature to which I wish to 
call the attention of the Senate and the country. While 
Senators on the other side, the Senators from Korth 
Carolina, for instance, are shocked at the idea that we 
upon this side of the chamber should dare under any 
circumstances to give a vote for a Readjuster of Vir- 
ginia, they have supported on that side for any and 
every office of the government, no matter how large or 



IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 435 

how small, the strongest and boldest repudiators in the 
land, and not even my friend from Delaware, Mr. Bay- 
ard, is shocked. You Senators are disturbed in your 
nightly dreams, you are horrified because we upon this 
side determined to vote for a Eeadjuster of Vir- 
ginia who proposes to readjust in some way the debt 
of that great State, when we find he is with us upon 
the question of a free ballot and an honest count; but 
you are not disturbed by repudiation in Louisiana. 
You are not disturbed by repudiation in ISTorth Carolina. 
You are not disturbed by the repudiation of your 
friends all through the South. You are not disturbed 
by the repudiation which has taken place in this coun- 
try in Democratic States and in Democratic States 
alone. You are only disturbed when we, under some 
circumstances, dare to vote or to indicate a purpose to 
vote for Riddleberger of Virginia. 

The Republicans succeeded by the vote of the Vice- 
President in organizing the committees of the Senate, 
but not in electing their candidates for Senate offices. 
Rollins's assignments to committees were as follows: 
chairman of the committee on public buildings and 
grounds, chairman of the committee on enrolled 
bills, and a member of the committees on naval af- 
fairs. District of Columbia, and civil service and re- 
trenchment. He was also appointed on the select 
committee to examine the several branches of the 
civil service and on a committee to investigate the 
subject of heavy ordnance, but was later excused at 
his own request from service on the committee on en- 



436 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

rolled bills and the select committee on civil service. 
The chairmanship of the committee on public build- 
ings and grounds was selected by him for the sole pur- 
pose of securing a public building for Concord, New 
Hampshire, a purpose he had had in mind since his 
election to the Senate. He had already paved the way 
for a public building at the capital of ISTew Hamp- 
shire by having the United States courts transferred 
from Exeter to Concord. The bill authorizing this 
building and making appropriation for it passed at the 
first session of this CongTess. This building, pro- 
nounced by President Harrison one of the handsomest 
public buildings in the country, stands as a memorial of 
Rollins's industry in behalf of his native State. 

The Republican party was soon split into two hostile 
factions by the action of President Garfield in appoint- 
ing William H. Robertson to the collectorship of the 
port of New York. This appointment was extremely 
obnoxious to Senator Conkling of that State, as it put 
into the most important federal position in New York 
the leader of the Republican forces in that State antago- 
nistic to Conkling. He regarded it as the beginning 
of a warfare by the administration on his supremacy 
in New York. The courtesy of the Senate was invoked 
to induce the President to withdraw the appointment, 
and, failing in this, to secure the defeat of Robertson's 
confirmation. Rollins's relations with Conkling were 
most agi'eeable. He regarded the appointment as a 
mistake on the part of the administration, in that it 
precipitated a contest which ought to have been avoided. 



IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 437 

lie joined with other Republican Senators in an effort 
to have the President withdraw the nomination and 
recognize that element of the Republican party of 
which Robertson was a representative by giving him 
some other appointment. Rollins was a member of 
the committee of Senators who waited upon the Presi- 
dent, but he left no record of the conferences which 
took place at the White House. The nomination was 
not withdrawn, and, failing to secure the defeat of the 
confirmation, Conkling and his colleague from Kew 
York resigned. The sequel of this contest is well 
known. 

The death of Garfield a few months later transferred 
Vice-President Arthur from the Senate to the White 
House, and, when the Senate met again, a question con- 
fronting it was the election of a president pro tempore 
of that body. At that time the president of the Senate 
was in direct line of succession to the Presidency and, 
in case of the death or disability of President Arthur, 
would have become acting President of the United 
States. The Republicans had not a majority of the 
Senate, even with the vote of Mahone. To prevent a 
Democrat from becoming president of the Senate, the 
Republicans nominated David Davis, of Illinois, the 
only independent Senator of that body, for that posi- 
tion, and elected him. The committees of the Senate re- 
mained in the control of the Republicans, but Davis 
refused to join them in changing the officers of the 
Senate. 

With President Arthur, Rollins was on very intimate 



438 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

terms. The former gradually reorganized the Cabinet 
appointed by President Garfield, filling the positions 
with men of his own choice. The ISTavy portfolio went 
to William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire. Chand- 
ler had been nominated by President Garfield for So- 
licitor General of the United States, but the Democrats 
defeated his confirmation. They were apprehensive of 
his activity in this position in prosecuting the violation 
of the election laws in the South, and bent every energy 
to secure his defeat. In this they were aided by Sena- 
tor J. Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania, who, as 
chairman of the Republican l^ational Committee, was 
defeated by Chandler at the Chicago Convention of 
1880, in his attempt to enforce the unit rule in the 
interest of General Grant's nomination for the Presi- 
dency. When it became apparent that President Ar- 
thur was considering Chandler for the position of 
Secretaiy of the ISTavy, the question naturally arose 
whether he could be confirmed by the Senate. In addi- 
tion to the fact that the Republicans had not a major- 
ity in that body, Cameron's influence, still hostile, 
might be sufficient to prevent a confirmation. The 
appointment would be especially pleasing to New 
Hampshire, being a recognition of the State she had 
not received since Levi Woodbury held the positions of 
Secretary of the Navy and Secretary of the Treasury 
in Jackson's administration. Rollins canvassed the 
Senate in Chandler's behalf, bringing to bear all of his 
personal influence upon Republican Senators unfriendly 
to Chandler. He also sought and secured Democratic 



IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 439 

support. His efforts were crowned with success, al- 
though the vote was close. It is not too much to say 
that RoUins's masterly management of the case in the 
Senate secured Chandler's confirmation. 

Throughout this Congress Rollins was most actively 
employed. His committee assignments were important, 
and he mastered the details of all the work coming be- 
fore them. The old antagonism between the leading 
committees of the Senate and the appropriation com- 
mittee, which controlled all appropriations, was brought 
into prominence by the efforts of Rollins to secure re- 
forms in the navy. The naval committee and the ap- 
propriation committee were in frequent conflict, and 
the debates over the naval appropriation bill, in which 
Rollins took conspicuous part, were spicy and instruc- 
tive. He succeeded in laying before the Senate and 
the public the methods by which increased pay and 
promotions on the retired list of the navy had been se- 
cured, and led the way to later reforms. A large share 
of the work of the District of Columbia committee 
fell on him, because of his familiarity with the affairs 
of the District. His work, however, was by no means 
confined to measures coming before committees of 
which he was a member. 

The question of the revision of the tariff, which had 
been agitated for some time, came up for action at the 
second session of this Congress. The fall elections of 
1882 had been disastrous to the Republican party, and 
the next Congress would be Democratic. A Demo- 
cratic victory in the next Presidential election seemed 



440 LIFE OF EDWARD H. fiOLLINS 

probable. There remained only three months for the 
Republicans in Congress to do anything to strengthen 
their party. A tariff commission had been appointed 
by President Arthur, and had made its report, recom- 
mending changes in the existing rates of duty. There 
was a strong feeling in the Republican party that the 
Forty-seventh Congress should revise the tariff before 
it adjourned. Otherwise it might devolve upon a Dem- 
ocratic Congress to do this work, while the failure of 
the Republicans to revise the tariff might contribute to 
their defeat in the next campaign. The time between 
the first Monday of December, 1882, and the 4th of 
March following was too short for both houses to fully 
consider a measure of the magnitude of a tariff bill. 
The House was not then operating under the Reed 
rules, and a minority could easily defeat a new measure 
by filibustering. Even if such a measure passed the 
House, it would be at so late a date that it could be 
talked to death in the Senate. Fortunately for the 
party, there had been passed by the House at its pre- 
vious session a revenue bill which was then before the 
Senate. By taking up this bill and striking out all 
but the enacting clause, the Senate could, under the 
guise of an amendment, incorporate under this title 
a tariff measure which, when received by the House, 
could be sent to conference, thus limiting debate and 
preventing filibustering tactics. The Republican 
leaders in Congress determined to take this course, al- 
though great doubt existed of their ability to succeed. 
In the time intervening before the 4th of March were 



IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 441 

the Christmas holidays, which usually afforded an ex- 
cuse for a recess of two or three weeks. 

When the Republican plan was decided upon, Sen- 
ator Rollins went to work with his accustomed energy 
and watchfulness of details to make it a success. The 
first thing essential was to prevent the usual holiday 
recess. This undertaking he took upon himself, seeing 
every Republican Senator and securing his written 
pledge to vote against a holiday adjournment. When 
the customary resolution to adjourn over the holidays 
was offered, it was defeated by a solid Republican vote. 
This accomplished, he then familiarized himself with 
the changes proposed by the tariff bill and the effect 
they would have upon New England interests, and he 
took a considerable part in shaping the tariff bill that 
w^as finally passed in the closing hours of this Congress. 
After the adjournment, his work as a Senator was re- 
viewed by Ben Perley Poore, the long-time Washing- 
ton correspondent of the Boston Journal. Poore said : 

" Senator Rollins takes rank second to none in the 
influence he exerts in the Senate. A practical business 
man, of clear head and sound judgment, he accom- 
plishes more work and makes less fuss about it than 
almost any other member of that branch of Congress. 
He has that push and determination about him that 
gives success to any measure he undertakes, as, for 
instance, his efforts in behalf of the knit goods bill last 
summer, when he and Senator Hawley rescued it from 
what seemed to be irretrievable defeat. He is entitled 
to the credit of keeping the Senate in session during 



442 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the last Christmas holidays — a two weeks' work that 
enabled the Senate to pass the civil service and tariff 
bills, and had a healthy influence over the House in 
expediting its business. Although not frequently en- 
gaging in debate, he showed himself at home on the 
floor of the Senate during the contest a year ago be- 
tween the appropriation and naval committees, over 
the action of the fonuer in tacking general legislation 
upon the naval appropriation bill, and he has had the 
satisfaction at this session of seeing, not only the ap- 
propriation committee, but the whole Senate, put its 
foot upon the vicious practice of smuggling legislation 
into amendments of appropriation bills that should 
properly come before Congress as separate measures. 
" Mr. Rollins's attention to the wants of his State 
and the demands of his constituents is proverbial, and 
it is said that the smallest request receives the same 
attention from him as the largest. His service to his 
Stat© is attested by such accomplished facts as a liberal 
appropriation for a public building at Concord; the 
removal of the United States courts to a more con- 
venient section of the State; appropriations for the 
improvement of the Exeter and Cocheco Rivers; the 
relief of the New Hampshire savings banks of 
$100,000 unjust taxes, and numerous other matters 
of local importance. 'No Senator is recorded as in 
attendance and voting more days of a session than 
he, and his votes have invariably been on the right 
side. He has kept clear of Credit Mobilier and other 
jobs, and his State never had occasion to fear that 



IN THE FORTY - SEVENTH CONGRESS 443 

a Congressional investigation would smirch him. His 
first term in the Senate is creditable to him and his 
State, and his reelection should follow, as his six years 
of experience can but enable him to take even higher 
rank than he has already occupied." 



CHAPTEE XXIV. 



ROLLINS S LAST CAMPAIGN 



The Kepublican campaign of 1882 opened early. 
There were rival candidates for the gubernatorial nom- 
ination. From April to September there was a can- 
vass for delegates unprecedented in the history of the 
party in the methods employed to secure them, and in 
the bitterness of strife engendered thereby. Manches- 
ter presented one of her distinguished citizens, Moody 
Currier, as a candidate for the nomination. He had 
been mayor of the city, a State Senator, and a member 
of the governor's Council. He was a man of ability 
and learning, successful in business, everywhere 
respected, but advanced in years. The other candidate 
was Samuel W. Hale, of Keene, who was just past 
middle life. He had been voted for in previous State 
conventions, and he came from a section of the State 
that had not furnished a governor for a quarter of a 
century. The claim of locality was advanced in Hale's 
behalf, and it was met by the counter-claim that one 
longer in the service of the party and of better known 
fitness should be given the nomination. If events had 
taken their natural course, no danger or harm would 
have come to the party. The contest, however, in- 

444 



ROLLINS'S LAST CAMPAIGN 445 

creased in intensity as it progressed, and very soon 
charges and countercharges were made of sharp prac- 
tices in securing delegates, until the feeling between 
the friends of the two candidates was wrought to that 
degree of hostility that it threatened to wreck the 
Kepublican party beyond resurrection. 

It soon appeared that Hale was not the general 
choice of his own section of the State. The building 
of the Manchester and Keene Railroad, with which 
he had been connected, had caused losses to stock- 
holders, and consequent resentment toward all those 
who had induced investment or conducted the enter- 
prise. To offset this and the claim that Mr. Currier 
should be first considered, the charge was made that 
Mr. Currier was too old to stand the strain of a politi- 
cal campaign, and that, if he did not succumb during 
the canvass, he would not live out his term. The 
Republican party was split wide open into hostile 
camps. There was a contest in almost every town and 
ward to secure delegates to the State convention. Each 
candidate had headquarters from which was directed 
his campaign for the nomination. These headquarters 
furnished the Democratic party with abundant mate- 
rial to be used against the successful nominee in the 
subsequent election. The returns of the caucuses in- 
dicated that the vote of the convention would be close. 
A few unpledged delegates were elected. Toward 
these the friends of the two candidates directed their 
efforts. It was now or never with each side. The 
bitterness between the contending factions was such 



446 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

that there seemed little prospect of electing the nom- 
inee, whoever he might be. Efforts to secure the 
withdrawal of both candidates and the substitution 
of some compromise candidate failed. The contest was 
carried into the convention and there fought to the 
finish. After several ballots, Hale won by a small 
majority, and was declared the candidate of the party. 

The Republican State convention met September 
12, 1882. It was presided over by Chester B. Jordan, 
of Lancaster, and the platform was reported by Alonzo 
H. Quint, of Dover. Four ballots were necessary for 
the choice of a candidate for governor, Hale's vote 
increasing on each ballot. 

The Democratic State convention met the next day, 
being called to order by Arthur L. Meserve, of Bart- 
lett, chairman of the State committee. Stilson 
Hutchins, of Laconia, who had returned to his native 
State for a brief residence, from Washington, where 
he had achieved marked success in the newspaper 
field, presided, and Charles F. Stone, of Laconia, 
reported the resolutions. Only one ballot was neces- 
sary to select a candidate for governor, Martin V. B. 
Edgerly, of Manchester, receiving 296 of the 444 votes 
cast. Edgerly was in the insurance business and had 
a large acquaintance and personal following in the 
State. The convention adjourned with the Democrats 
sanguine of Edgerly's election by the people. 

The Republican nominees for Congress were Martin 
A. Haynes, of Gilford, in the first district, and Ossian 
Ray, of Lancaster, in the second, the State's represen- 



ROLLINS'S LAST CAMPAIGN 447 

tation being now reduced to two members. " Private " 
Haynes had as active competitors for the nomination 
Benjamin F. Prescott, of Epping, and Andrew H. 
Young, of Dover, the latter having just resigned as 
collector of internal revenue for the !N^ew Hampshire 
district. Haynes was a veteran of the civil war, a 
jovial comrade, and a popular candidate. As a news- 
paper editor he wielded a ready pen. His nomination 
was fortunate at this time, as it added strength to the 
ticket. He served two terms in Congress. 

Ray was a lawyer of marked ability, who had been 
nominated and elected to fill out the unexpired term 
of Evarts W. Farr at the time of the latter's death. 
He was a man of forceful character and an earnest 
advocate. 

The Democratic nominees for Congress were George 
B. Chandler, of Manchester, in the first district, and 
Jewett B. Hosley, of Lebanon, in the second. Chand- 
ler was one of the leading bankers of the State, who 
with other leading Democrats of JSTew Hampshire sup- 
ported McKinley for President in 1896. 

Charles F. Stone, of Laconia, was elected chairman 
of the Democratic State committee, and Herbert F. 
Norris, of Concord, secretary. Stone had been iden- 
tified with the Republican party until the campaign 
of 1880. He was subsequently the nominee of the 
Democratic party for Congress in the first district, and 
still later its candidate for governor. During Cleve- 
land's second term as President, he was appointed 
naval ofiicer at the port of Boston, After retiring 



448 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

from this position, he was appointed a judge of the 
superior court, a position he now holds. 

ISTever had the Eepublican party of New Hampshire 
stood in such peril as it did when the State Convention 
adjourned. The Manchester delegates returned to 
their home disappointed and threatening a bolt. 
Cheshire County, the home of Hale, was in open re- 
volt over the nomination. The hostility to his election 
was nowhere more pronounced than in his own locality. 
It looked as though a Democratic governor was a cer- 
tainty by the popular vote, and it was feared that a 
Democratic legislature would accompany a Democratic 
governor to the State House the following June. 

The tenn of Rollins as United States Senator ex- 
pired March 4, 1883. Besides the control of the State 
government, there was dangling before the eyes of the 
now confident Democratic party the prize of one sena- 
torship, and possibly two. The United States Senate at 
that time, as has been shown, was evenly divided, David 
Davis, the Independent, generally voting with the 
Democratic party, and William Mahone, of Virginia, 
with the Republicans. The opposition of the Demo- 
cratic party to the election of a United States Senator 
in 1881, to succeed Rollins, had been political rather 
than legal, and, if they secured control of the legisla- 
ture of 1883, there was no reason to believe that their 
action in the legislature of 1881 would preclude them 
from attempting to elect both Rollins's and Blair's suc- 
cessors. A question of one or two Senators from ISTew 
Hampshire enlisted the interest of the national Democ- 



ROLLINS'S LAST CAMPAIGN 449 

racy, and l^ew Hampshire Democrats received en- 
couragemeiit from outside the State. 

The Republicans began their campaign against the 
Democratic party under the most discouraging circum- 
stances. It was known that Manchester, the largest 
city in the State, was likely to give a majority for the 
Democratic candidate for governor. Cheshire County, 
the Western Eeserve of the Republican party of ^ew 
Hampshire, which had never before failed the party 
in returning a good majority, would probably follow 
suit. The Republican State committee met amid 
gloom and despair to complete its organization. Jacob 
H, Gallinger, who had shown capacity as a political 
organizer, was chosen chairman, as the representative 
of the Hale forces. Frank D. Currier, of Canaan, as 
representing the Currier supporters, was chosen sec- 
retary. 

Gallinger had been active in politics for ten years 
or more. His beginning was at the printer's case, from 
which he graduated to enter upon the study of medi- 
cine. After several years of successful practice as a 
physician, he entered the public service, to be ever 
after identified with State and national interests. At 
the time of his election as chainnan of the State com- 
mittee, , he had served in both branches of the legisla- 
ture, where he had shown himself a ready debater and 
parliamentary leader. He was also known to the pub- 
lic as a brilliant speaker and versatile writer. He was 
soon to embark on a career in national politics dis- 
tancing all records in the number of his elections 



450 LIFE or EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

and the hold he has had on the affectionate regard of 
the people of the State. His public life has been a 
constant growth. As chairman of the State committee, 
as Congressman, and as Senator, his achievements have 
been large and his success adequate to any ambition. 
Of untiring industry, pleasing address, ready adapta- 
bility, he has secured triumphs where others have 
failed. Three times elected to the United States Sen- 
ate, he now stands number ten in seniority of service 
in that body, and among the first in the importance 
of his committee assignments. 

Frank D. Currier, the new secretary of the State 
committee, first came into prominence in the legisla- 
ture of 1879 through his activities and familiarity 
with parliamentary procedure. Subsequent to his serv- 
ice on the State committee, he served as naval officer 
of customs at Boston, and later was elected Speaker 
of the 'New Hampshire legislature and member of 
Congress. As Speaker, he showed remarkable aptitude 
for the position, and he has attained prominence in 
the national House as its most popular presiding 
officer in committee of the whole, where most of the 
business is transacted. He has entered upon his third 
term as a Congressman. 

It was in a situation such as already outlined that 
Rollins entered headquarters to conduct his last cam- 
paign. If the State were lost, he would not be returned 
to the Senate. If the State were saved, the party was 
so broken by this gubernatorial contest that factional 
quarrels might reach into the Senatorial caucus. In a 



ROLLINS'S LAST CAMPAIGN 451 

number of Western and Middle States there had been 
successful bolting of Senatorial caucuses and prolonged 
deadlocks. Old leaders had been retired and new men 
chosen to the Senate. President Arthur was endeavor- 
ing to harmonize the party in the country at large 
divided by the Blaine-Conkling antagonism. No help 
could be expected from the Republican national com- 
mittee. Its efforts must be directed to larger States. 
Xew Hampshire must depend upon herself. Had the 
end come to Republican victories in the Granite State ? 
Many thought so, A Democratic Congi'css was expected 
as the result of the fall elections. Was ISTew Hampshire 
to contribute to the probable Democratic victory ? 
Was the Democratic party to have a Senator from this 
State for the first time in thirty years ? The political 
atmosphere foreboded disaster. What, if anything, 
could be done to dispel the apathy, arouse the courage 
of New Hampshire Republicans, and bring peace to the 
discordant factions? 

Rollins at once saw that the fight must be fought on 
national, rather than State, issues. A Republican Pres- 
ident and an equally divided Senate stood between the 
country and a Democratic assault on the tariff and an 
attempt to reverse the fruits of the war. The removal 
of the political disabilities of Jefferson Davis had just 
been prevented in the Senate by one vote. The feeling 
was still strong in New Hampshire against the ascend- 
ency in the nation of those who had participated in the 
War of the Rebellion. The next Presidential election 
might be lost, as proved to be the case. The United 



452 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

States Senate alone was the sheet-anchor of the Repub- 
lican party. I*Te\v Hampshire Republicans were still 
loyal to tlie principles of the party. If they could be 
aroused to the dangers that menaced the party in the 
nation, even if the governor were lost, the legislature 
of New Hampshire might be saved, and thereby a 
United States Senator. 

The importance of one vote was again brought home 
to the voters, and the bearing of that one vote on na- 
tional affairs. One vote in the town might save Repub- 
lican ascendency in the legislature. One vote in the 
legislature might save the United States Senatorship. 
One Senator from 'New Hampshire might stand in the 
way of a complete national triumph of the Democratic 
party. This was the issue forced to the front in the 
press, on the stump, and in the correspondence of the 
State committee. N^ever was a campaign in !N^ew 
Hampshire conducted with greater skill and greater 
success. Gallinger, the chairman of the committee, en- 
tered heart and soul into the suggestions of Rollins, and 
developed at that time those remarkable qualities for 
organization that have kept him for so many years at 
the head of the State committee by the unanimous voice 
of the party. He was in touch with the younger ele- 
ment of the party, who had never fought under the 
personal direction of Rollins. In the nearly six years 
the latter had been in the Senate, he had been removed 
from intimate intercourse with the generation coming 
upon the stage. These young men were superseding 



ROLLINS'S LAST CAMPAIGN 453 

the contemporaries of Rollins in all parts of the State. 
They were brought by Gallinger into more prominent 
activity. 

Little could be hoped from the disaffected districts, 
yet they were not neglected. Probably more personal 
letters were written to local Republicans by the com- 
mittee in this campaign than in any other in the history 
of the party. They contained appeals for harmony and 
for party loyalty. Republicans were particularly urged 
to see that disaffection did not extend beyond the head 
of the ticket. The best that the committee hoped was 
to prevent a choice of governor by the people, relying 
upon a Republican majority in the legislature to elect 
the governor. Two other State tickets were in the 
field, a Temperance and a Greenback ticket. The total 
third party and scattering vote in the election of 1880 
was less than a thousand. There was no prospect that 
this would be increased. Bolting Republicans either 
would not vote for governor or would cast their ballots 
for Edgerly, so intense was their hostility to Hale. The 
danger lay in the latter course. To prevent the defeat 
of the Republican nominee for governor by the popular 
vote, the energies of the committee were enlisted to 
bringing out the full Republican vote in strong Repub- 
lican and strong Democratic towns, a new experiment 
in 'New Hampshire politics, where the fight was mainly 
made in the close towns. Its success was the turning- 
point in the campaign. 

In few campaigns did Rollins appear to better ad- 



454 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

vantage as a political manager. He was tlien in his 
sixtieth year. His intense application to all matters 
that enlisted his attention had not perceptibly impaired 
either his mental or physical strength. Of wiry con- 
stitution, he responded to the exactions of the campaign 
with remarkable staying and recuperative powers. The 
tension, however, was great. The daily reports coming 
to headquarters were all of the same discouraging char- 
acter. Both Rollins and Gallinger had not only to show 
courage and confidence, but to infuse them into others. 
Both had reputations at stake. With Rollins, it was his 
prestige to maintain. With Gallinger, it was his repu- 
tation to make. With Rollins, who had led to so many 
victories, it might prove his Waterloo. The association 
of these two men, the one just entering upon what was ♦- 
to be a distinguished career, and the other with his large 
experience, both in State and national politics, was 
most fortunate for the party, and the party had need of 
both men in this trying campaign. 

The night of the election there was little confidence 
among Republicans in the result. For the first time 
in the history of the Republican party in "New Hamp- 
shire, its canvass was uncertain. It foretold nothing 
with accuracy, except losses in the disaffected sections. 
Anxious leaders of the party crowded the Republican 
headquarters. The early returns confirmed their worst 
fears. Town after town, and wkrd after ward reported 
Republican losses and Democratic gains on the gov- 
ernor vote. The election of Edgerly seemed a foregone 



ROLLINS'S LAST CAMPAIGN 455 

conclusion, and the legislature hung in doubt. It was 
well into the night before returns were received from 
the strong Republican and strong Democratic towns, 
where the committee had done its effective work. Then, 
to the consternation of the Democrats and to the joy of 
the Republicans, the tide began to turn. It was soon 
apparent that the legislature Avas Republican, and that 
Edgerly had not received a majority of the popular vote. 
The Democratic leaders had been outgeneraled and the 
State was saved. The next day the committee was able 
to give out returns that Hale was elected by the people. 
His majority was onlj^ a little over five hundred. It 
was a victory snatched from the very jaws of defeat. 
iN'one who participated in that remarkable campaign 
can forget its struggles, its anxieties, its doubts, and its 
fears, or the feeling of relief that came after midnight 
of the day of election. It was Rollins's last campaign. 
He had fought it with an intensity which subordinated 
even his personal interests to the welfare of the party. 
He had completed his record of continuous victory 
where he had personally directed or advised in the cam- 
paigns. He was soon to enter upon the last stage of his 
political career. He was to fail of a reelection to the 
Senate, as the Republican leaders in other States had 
failed, after a Senatorial caucus had recorded that a 
majority of the Republicans of the State, through their 
chosen representatives, desired to reward his services 
and fidelity by a reelection. 

The vote for governor was: Scattering, 168; Josiah 



466 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

M. Fletcher, 35T; John F. Woodbury, 444; Martin V. 
B. Edgerlj, 36,916; Samuel W. Hale, 38,402. 

Both Eepublican candidates for Congress were 
elected by large majorities, and the legislature was 
safely Eepublican. 



CHAPTEK XXV. 

KOLLINS'S DEFEAT FOR KE - ELECTION 

There were seven months to intervene between the 
election and the meeting of the legislature Three 
months of this time Rollins spent in Washington, at the 
short session of the Forty-seventh Congress. He began 
his campaign for a renomination soon after the election 
was over, but it was not until after March 4, 1883, that 
he could give his undivided attention to his canvass. 
Yet, on his return to jSTew Hampshire, he knew quite 
accurately the individual choice of the Republican 
members of the legislature. He felt satisfied that he 
would secure a majority of the Republican Senatorial 
caucus, if not on the first, at least on the second ballot. 
As early as April, the impression became general that, 
if a Republican caucus were to determine the result, 
Rollins would be his own successor. The air, however, 
was pregnant with forebodings of disaster. Bolting 
of Republican caucuses in other States had become quite 
common. The bolt two years before in l^ew Hamp- 
shire, on the question of the right of the legislature 
of 1881 to elect a Senator, was still fresh in men's 
minds, and, the step having been once taken, it was 
easier to repeat it. The bitterness of the late strife 

467 



458 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

for the gubernatorial nomination was by no means al- 
layed. Both Eollins and Chandler had been accused 
of using their influence to defeat Currier and nominate 
Hale, a charge which both emphatically denied. The 
denial availed nothing. Especially bitter towards Rol- 
lins were the opponents of Hale in Cheshire County, 
while there was but little friendship for him in Man- 
chester. From April to June, the question of bolting 
the result of the Republican Senatorial caucus forged 
its way into the foreground. 

The legislature met June 6, 1883. The Senate or- 
ganized by the choice of Charles H. Bartlett, of Man- 
chester, as president, and Frank D. Currier, of Canaan, 
as clerk. Bartlett had been mayor of Manchester. He 
was a man of attainments and popular as a speaker 
at public gatherings. A prominent member of the Sen- 
ate was Harry Bingham, who appeared for the first 
time in the upper branch of the legislature. Another 
representative Democrat in this body was Irving W. 
Drew, of Lancaster, one of the most brilliant advocates 
of the State, and later to become identified with the Re- 
publican party. Other well-known members of the 
Senate were Chester Pike, of Cornish, J. F. Seavey, 
of Dover, Charles H. Amsden, of Concord, afterwards 
Democratic candidate for governor, Henry Robinson, 
of Concord, later mayor of that city, and postmaster of 
the capital for two terms, George W. Cummings, of 
Francestown, George A. Wason, of New Boston, Ben- 
jamin R. Wheeler, of Salem, and Benjamin F. Per- 
kins, of Bristol. 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 459 

The House organized with the choice of Samuel C. 
Eastman, of Concord, as Speaker. Eastman was the 
best parliamentarian in the State, and at this session 
enunciated the principle of counting a quorum, although 
the House did not adopt his views. This was some six 
years before Speaker Thomas B. Reed counted a quo- 
rum in the national House of Representatives. In 
1893, Eastman, as a member of the 'New Hampshire 
House of Representatives, and temporarily in the chair, 
counted a quorum, with the approval of the majority 
of the House and without formal objection from the 
minority. 

Three candidates for the United States Senate Avere 
members of the House, Oilman Marston, Aaron F. Ste- 
vens, and James F. Briggs. Other prominent Republi- 
can members of the House were William 0. Todd, of 
Atkinson, William H. Sise, of Portsmouth, John J. 
Bell, of Exeter, Alonzo H. Quint and Thomas M. 
Pray, of Dover, Eugene P. Nute, of Farmington, Ed- 
win Wallace, Charles S. Whitehouse, and John E. 
Meader, of Rochester, Christopher H. Wells and James 
A. Edgerly, of Somersworth, Allen J. Hackett, of Bel- 
mont, Benjamin F. Drake, of Oilford, Ithiel E. Clay, 
of Chatham, Charles R. Corning, of Concord, John S. 
Kimball, of Hopkinton, Jeremiah E. Smith, of North- 
field, David A. Taggart, of Ooffstown, Charles T. 
Means and Walter M. Parker, of Manchester, Charles 
H. Campbell and Oeorge E. Oage, of Nashua, Charles 
J. Amidon, of Hinsdale, Ira Colby and Oeorge L. Bal- 



460 LIFE OF EDWARD H. EOLLINS 

com, of Claremont, William !F. Westgate, of Haverhill, 
and George H. Adams, of Plymouth. 

The prominent Democratic members were Henry O. 
Kent and William S. Ladd, of Lancaster, Edward B. S. 
Sanborn, of Franklin, David Urch, of Portsmouth, 
John T. Busiel and Charles F. Stone, of Laconia, Jo- 
seph Q. Roles, of Ossipee, Edwin Snow, of Eaton, 
Jacob B. Whittemore, of Hillsboro, Fred A. Barker, 
of Keene, and William H. Cummings, of Lisbon. 

With the assembling of the legislature, all the influ- 
ential Republicans of the State were drawn to the cap- 
ital by their interest in the Senatorial contest. The 
election or defeat of Rollins was soon the only question 
under consideration, the following of other candidates 
being only a factor so far as it might affect caucus ac- 
tion. It was not long before the alignment was of two 
forces, caucus and anti-caucus Republicans. Marston 
and Stevens were outspoken against a caucus, and for 
a time Briggs occupied a non-committal position. The 
two former had nothing to lose by refusing to attend 
a caucus, for it was not likely that either would figure 
in another senatorial canvass. ISTeither could secure a 
caucus nomination. A free voting in the legislature 
did offer a chance for Marston, for it was possible that 
the Democrats would support him, if he could muster 
enough Republican votes to make with the Democrats 
a majority of the legislature. With both Marston and 
Stevens, however, there was a pronounced hostility to 
Rollins's reelection, overshadowing all other feelings. 

The situation of Briggs was different. He had 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 461 

served three terms in Congress, with credit to himself, 
and, representing the largest centre of the State, could 
reasonably hope for an election to the Senate in the 
near future, if not at this time. He and Rollins had 
drifted apart while serving the State the past six years, 
the one in the House and the other in the Senate. 
Their differences had arisen mainly over the control 
of the federal patronage. One misunderstanding had 
followed another, and their rival Senatorial ambitions 
had promoted their estrangements, Briggs had asked 
for a change in the office of the internal revenue col- 
lator for N^ew Hampshire, and brought forward as a 
candidate Henry M. Putney, of Manchester, to succeed 
Andrew H. Young, of Dover, who then held the office. 

Putney at that time was one of the younger leaders 
of the party. For a number of years he has been editor 
of the Mancliester Mirror. He has a racy style of pre- 
senting facts to the public, which fascinates his readers. 
His letters from the capital during the sessions of the 
legislature, then a feature of the Mirror, gave the peo- 
ple an entertaining insight into the work of their rep- 
resentatives and of public men of the State. Optimistic 
in temperament, at that time, he drew the young men 
to him as a leader, and for a decade or more the edi- 
torial sanctum of the Mirror was the inspiration of 
much of the politics of the State. 

Young was a man of activity and ability. He had 
been prominent in politics since the birth of the Re- 
publican party. With a genial personality which dis- 
armed hostility, he was on terms of intimate friendship 



462 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

with most of the leaders. jSTot an original Rollins sup- 
porter, he had within recent years become identified 
with Rollins's interests. The latter regarded Putney 
as Briggs's lieutenant, and, while consenting to Young's 
resignation and Putney's appointment, sought to pre- 
vent the change from accruing to his own detriment. 
It was soon publicly known that Young was ready to 
resign, but privately he had asked Rollins to delay the 
date. Responding to this request, Rollins held up Put- 
ney's appointment. Lack of frankness between Rol- 
lins and Briggs led to their suspicion of each other 
over an appointment to which they were in many re- 
spects agreed. Rollins suffered because of the delay 
in making the change, for the public interpreted his 
attitude as that of trying to keep Young in office when 
the latter was willing to retire. When Putney's ap- 
pointment finally came, it inured wholly to Briggs's 
advantage. 

During the administrations of Garfield and Arthur, 
changes had been asked in several important post- 
offices in the State. The occupants were Rollins's sup- 
porters. They had befriended him in various can- 
vasses for Congi-ess and the Senate, but some of them 
had survived their days of influence, and had been 
superseded by younger men in the control of the party 
in their respective localities. Rollins, however, never 
deserted a friend, and he steadfastly opposed their re- 
moval. As the senior Senator in the Senate, he had 
the larger influence of members of the delegation in 
bestowing the federal patronage, and so carried his 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 463 

point. His control of the patronage was to him, as it 
has been to others, a- source of weakness, and con- 
tributed to his defeat. The office-holders he saved were 
powerless to aid him, while those who were disap- 
pointed in their ambitions became his active and poten- 
tial opponents. 

In addition to the opposition arising out of personal 
grievances and the opposition of rival ambitions, Kol- 
lins had to face his own shibboleth in previous cam- 
paigns, " rotation in office." Patterson had been re- 
tired after one term in the Senate, and so had Wadleigh. 
Except Hale and Cragin, no Republican Senator from 
l^ew Hampshire had received two full terms. If 
Eollins were given a second term, then Blair might 
claim a reelection. If both were reelected, the rota- 
tion principle was likely to be set aside. Then, again, 
the old question, which legislature should fill a Sena- 
torial term, the one elected, or the one elected and or- 
ganized, before its expiration, arose for consideration. 
Both Bollins and Blair believed that the duty devolved 
upon the legislature organized before the expiration 
of the term. If their view prevailed, the legislature 
then in session would elect both Eollins's and Blair's 
successors. That it might prevail seemed probable, for 
Blair and his friends were openly advocating it, while 
Briggs was known to be committed to that view. 

A call for a Senatorial caucus was issued, but, prior 
to the assembling of the caucus, another call was sent 
out by the anti-caucus representatives for a confer- 
ence of Republican members of the legislature, to be 



464 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

held the night previous to the date set for the Senatorial 
caucus. This conference was attended by all of the 
opponents and most of the friends of Rollins. The 
former took charge of the meeting, and did most of the 
talking. Marston and Stevens declared their hostility 
to Kollins's reelection. They absolutely refused to be 
bound by caucus action. Briggs announced his unwill- 
ingness to abide by a decision of a caucus unless all 
Republicans participated. The caucus principle Avas 
advocated by Quint and Whitehouse. 'No attempt was 
made to secure a vote on the question of holding a 
caucus, each side being uncertain what that vote would 
disclose. The question of the election of two Senators 
also came up for consideration. Briggs declared him- 
self in favor of such an election. Stevens and Marston 
said that, while on record against it, they would make 
no factious opposition thereto if a majority of the 
Republican members of the legislature favored it. The 
conference then adjourned. 

This conference surprised and alarmed a very large 
majority of the Republicans of the State. Whether 
favoring Rollins's reelection or not, they foresaw peril 
to the party, and feared for its integrity. Their ap- 
prehension and feelings are well expressed by the 
following extract from two Republican newspapers, 
whose editors were representative Republicans. The 
first is from the Lebanon Free Press, edited by Elias 
H. Cheney, long active in party work. Cheney had 
shown his preference for Rollins's renomination and 
represented the views of Rollins's supporters. 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 465 

The other extract is from the Nashua Telegraphj 
whose editor was Orrin C. Moore. It will be recalled 
that Moore dramatically opposed Eollins's election to 
the Senate of 1876. In this canvass his position was 
neutral, as to candidates, while urging caucus action. 
His views, therefore, were those of a considerable num- 
ber of Republicans in the State who could not be 
counted as Rollins's supporters, but who would have 
been satisfied with Rollins or any other candidate nom- 
inated by a Republican caucus. 

The Lebanon Free Press said : 

" If anybody can give a decent reason why the 
Speaker of the House, the president of the Senate, the 
secretary of State, the State treasurer, and the State 
printer should be nominated by a Republican caucus, 
and the Republican members of the legislature be bound 
by the action of the caucus, and yet those same members 
not be bound by a nomination mad© in precisely the 
same manner, for IT. S. Senator, we should be glad to 
have him do it. It can't be done, and every man of 
sense knows it can't be done. If a regular nomination 
for any one of these offices may be ignored consistently 
with party fealty, so may any other. But then there is 
an end of all party efficiency. It is just as well to 
look this thing right in the face. We care very little 
for men; we would as cheerfully support any one of 
the gentlemen who have been named for the office if 
he had commanded a majority of the caucus vote. But 
we do care a great deal for the integrity of the Repub- 
lican party, and by that we propose to stand. That is 



466 LIFE OF EDWABD H. ROLLINS 

safe ground. It is ground upon which any man can 
safely stand, and time will vindicate the wisdom of his 
action. It will stand the test of time, when the passions 
of the hour have cooled. But it will be said that it was 
not a full caucus ; that large numbers were absent. Very 
well, they had no business to be absent. They were 
not elected for any such purpose. They were elected 
as Republicans, to go into a Republican caucus and 
abide by the action of that caucus. If they did not 
betray their constituents when they failed to do so, we 
do not know how they could go to work to betray them. 
The Republicans of ISTew Hampshire have not won 
their victories in this way; they will win no more 
victories, and deserve to win none, till they come back 
to the old paths." 

The Telegraph said: 

" We listened on Wednesday night with much inter- 
est to the statements made by the several speakers who 
opposed the usual method of selecting a Republican 
candidate for Senator. We expected to hear some over- 
powering reasons why Republicans should discard the 
majority nile in settling their difficulties. For our- 
selves we have been unable to see any way by which the 
rule can be discarded and the Republican party held 
together. Here are four or five distinguished Republi- 
cans, who heretofore have held to the rule in all their 
political relations. They have never before indicated, 
by word or act, that it could be safely discarded, !N'ow, 
just as they are about to lay off the political harness, 
thev tell the men who are to succeed them that the rule 



DEFEAT FOE RE - ELECTION 467 

has a dangerous flaw. This is a late, a very late dis- 
covery. It comes in a heated moment, when the foun- 
tains of ambition are broken up, and personal stake is 
greater than party interest. 

" The majority rule is a principle. There is none 
more fundamental. It underlies the whole Kepublican 
system. Its counterpart in the State and nation is 
anarchy. It is the same in a party. When the choice 
of men and measures cannot be determined by the ma- 
jority rule, nothing remains but disintegration and de- 
feat. There is not an officer, from fence-viewer to 
President, that is not settled by the constitution on this 
principle, and for all purposes a majority of one is as 
good as a majority of a thousand. If the purpose be 
to send the Republican party of New Hampshire into a 
hopeless minority for ten or twenty years, a short, swift, 
and certain way to accomplish it is to stamp out the 
principle of the rule of the majority. 

" We can see no reason whatever why this principle 
should not apply to Senators as well as to Representa- 
tives, governors, and Presidents. If the office of Sena- 
tor is high, as it is, then it is all the more important 
for a party to dispose of it by the principle of the 
rule of the majority than by a throw of the dice. If 
any one of the candidates before the legislature felt that 
he had a majority, would he not insist on the rule? 
Every one. Then what is good for one is good for all.'' 

The day following the conference was devoted by each 
side to consolidating its forces. The opponents of a 
caucus circulated for signature a paper pledging its 



468 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

signers to stay out of the caucus and not be bound by 
its action. Before the close of the day, they kne\v 
that they had secured enough signatures to prevent 
Eollins's election in the legislature if all who signed 
the paper adhered to their pledges. This was made 
manifest to all when the caucus assembled in the eve- 
ning. Of the 206 Republican members of the legisla- 
ture only 130 voted in the caucus. The members at- 
tending proceeded immediately to business, on motion 
to ballot for a Senator to succeed Rollins. This ballot 
gave Rollins 98 of the 130 votes cast.^ The motion to 
make the nomination unanimous was carried with only 
seven dissenting votes. Rollins appeared before the 
caucus, and accepted the nomination in a brief speech, 
expressing his appreciation and gratitude for the 
honors he had received at the hands of the Republican 
party of N^ew Hampshire, and pointing to his record 
as an earnest of his future service if elected. He made 
no direct reference to the prospective bolt of his nom- 
ination. 

The caucus then voted, with some opposition, to 
proceed to the nomination of a candidate for Senator 
Blair's seat in the Senate. Blair received 74 of the 97 
votes cast.^ ISTothing came of this effort to elect a sec- 
ond Senator, the question being entirely overshadowed 

1 Masou W. Tappau, 1 ; William E. Chandler, 1 ; Ossian Kay, 1 ; 
Aaron F. Stevens, 4 ; James F. Briggs, 7 ; James W. Patterson, 18 ; 
Edward H. Rollins, 98. 

2 Aaron F. Stevens, 1 ; James F. Briggs, 2 ; Ossian Ray, 3 ; 
Mason W. Tappan, 3 ; Oilman Marston, 4 ; James W. Patterson, 
10 ; Henry W. Blair, 74. 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 469 

by the larger one of the bolt of caucus action in the 
nomination of Rollins. 

The caucus disclosed that a considerable majority of 
the Republican representatives favored caucus action. 
It also showed that on the ballot taken to nominate his 
successor, Rollins lacked six votes of a majority of the 
Republican members of the legislature. The conten- 
tion made somewhat later by some of the anti-caucus 
men was that Rollins, not having received in the caucus 
a majority of the whole Republican membership of the 
legislature, was not entitled to their support. The an- 
swer to this was that, if they could have prevented Rol- 
lins's receiving a majority on the first or subsequent 
ballots by attending the caucus, they were not justified 
in remaining outside. Patterson, in 1872, had come 
within seven votes on one ballot of a renomination in 
caucus, and failed to secure a majority. There was no 
certainty that Rollins might not likewise fall just short 
of the necessary majority of a full caucus. This jus- 
tification of the anti-caucus men was an afterthought, 
for the leaders of the anti-caucus movement were deter- 
mined to defeat Rollins's reelection, and they felt surer 
of doing this by staying out of the caucus than by at- 
tending, and by repudiating later the action of its 
majority. 

Five days were now to elapse before the legislature 
would vote for Senator. The time was employed by 
each side in attempting to create sentiment in the State. 
When the legislature met the following week. Concord 
was crowded with influential Republicans from every 



470 



LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 



part of New Hampshire. The first test of strength 
came on Tuesday, June 19th, when the two houses of 
the legislature voted separately. With the exception of 
the joint ballot the next day, this was the largest vote 
cast in the legislature during the protracted contest 
which followed. Combining the vote of the two houses 
for each candidate, their strength June 19th is shown 
below. -^ 

The two houses met in convention the next day with 
very slight change in the relative vote. They con- 
tinued to meet in convention each legislative day until 
August 2d, when a choice was effected. Rollins's 
strength fell off after the first vote, but part of his loss 
was due to absenteeism, when it became apparent that 
the deadlock was to be prolonged. ]^o material gain 
was made by any of the other original candidates. 
After the legislature had voted twenty-two times, cover- 
ing a period from June 19th to July 12th, it became 
evident to Rollins that no good to the party was to be 
subserved by his remaining a candidate. The opposi- 
tion to his reelection continued intact in its support of 



1 Whole number of votes 












328 


Necessary for a choice . 












165 


Edward H. Rollins 












127 


Harry Bingham, Democrat 












121 


James F. Briggs . 












28 


James W. Patterson 












22 


Aaron F. Stevens . 












17 


Oilman Marston . 












10 


William S. Ladd, Democrat 












1 


Mason W. Tappan 












1 


Charles H. Bell . 












1 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 471 

various candidates, and his remaining in the field might 
prevent an election of Senator. Disappointed as he 
was at the result, so far as it effected his personal in- 
terest, his party loyalty led him to consider the future 
welfare of the Republican organization. The party 
needed the additional vote of New Hampshire in the 
United States Senate. It might be disastrous to the 
Eepublicans in the nation, as well as in the State, if 
the legislature adjourned without choosing a Senator. 
So, after first proposing to withdraw in the interest of 
party harmony, if the other candidates would do the 
same, and failing to receive from them any response, 
he addressed the following letter to the Republican 
members of the legislature: 

" As your candidate for United States Senator, reg- 
ularly nominated in accordance with the time-honored 
usages of the party, I have for several weeks, and at 
nearly every vote taken, been supported by a majority 
of you with entire fidelity. From the beginning of 
the canvass, however, my election has been opposed by 
several gentlemen of prominence in the party, who have 
received honors at its hands and always by the agency 
of caucuses and conventions, and they have succeeded 
thus far in thwarting the election of a Senator in the 
legislature, containing ninety Republican majority. 
Convinced at length that the interests of the Republican 
party require a speedy termination of this condition of 
things, I have proposed to the four gentlemen who have 
from the outset repudiated their party obligations and 
stood as candidates for the Senate, in defiance of the 



472 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

will of the organization, that we all retire from the 
field and leave it open to the further consideration of 
the party. This proposal has not been accepted, and 
I leave the gentlemen to settle their account in this 
transaction with their constituents and the Republican 
party of IsTew Hampshire. In my view of public af- 
fairs I am thus brought to face an important personal 
responsibility. In an active membership of the Repub- 
lican party ever since its birth, in seasons of victory 
and defeat, sometimes in a position of leadership and 
sometimes as a private in its ranks, I have never fal- 
tered in supporting its principles, its nominations, and 
its accredited modes of action. l!Tor have I hesitated 
to make any sacrifice of my personal feelings or ambi- 
tions which the expressed will of my party associates 
seemed to demand. It costs me no heart-burnings to 
tread the path of duty again, and, therefore, in the fur- 
ther interests of harmony and the peace of the party, 
in whose continued ascendency in the State and nation 
I believe the best interests of our time are bound up, 
and for which I am as solicitous to-day as ever before, 
and especially in view of the approaching Presidential 
election, the closeness of the U. S. Senate, and the 
absolute importance of choosing a Republican Senator 
at this session, I desire to withdraw my name as your 
nominee for Senator, and leave you free to select 
another. 

" Profoundly grateful to you, and through you, to the 
Republicans of the State, for the honors and opportuni- 
ties for service I have already enjoyed, and particularly 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 473 

thanking my friends for their generous support in this 
protracted struggle, I am, with great respect, your 
obedient servant." 

Rollins's withdrawal, however, afforded no immediate 
solution of the difficulty. The anti-caucus Republicans 
could no more agree upon a candidate than they would 
assent to Rollins's election. Various Republicans were 
brought forward by their friends and received the 
votes of the caucus Republicans, but one after another 
they disappeared as candidates. The contest dragged 
along until the third month of the session and the 
forty-third vote before a Senator was elected. Briggs 
and Stevens in the meantime had dropped out. Ap- 
prehension that Marston might finally secure enough 
votes with Democratic support to elect him, and weari- 
ness of the prolonged voting finally led to a concentra- 
tion of Republican strength on Austin F. Pike, of 
Franklin, who had not received any considerable votes 
until the thirty-fifth ballot. 

The election of Pike was generally satisfactory to 
the party. He was a tried and true Republican, a 
lawyer of the first rank, and a man of marked ability. 
He had served one term in Congress and been defeated 
for reelection. In the early days of the party he had 
been an active worker, serving in two campaigns as 
chairman of the State committee. Since his defeat for 
Congress in 1875, he had devoted himself to his pro- 
fession. Taking no part in the Senatorial struggle, 
he was free from its animosities. When Rollins was 
struggling for political preferment. Pike had been his 



474 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

friend and supporter. His election to the Senate was 
as gi-atifying to Kollins as that of any Kepubliean of 
the State. The anti-caucus Republicans, with the ex- 
ception of the Marston contingent, readily accepted 
Pike as a compromise candidate. 

A number of Rollins's supporters would have pre- 
ferred no election of Senator by the legislature of 1883, 
thereby referring again the question of his successor 
to the people at the next election. These men regarded 
Rollins as the candidate of the party, fairly nominated 
in a caucus held in accordance with its usages for 
nearly a generation. They were indignant at the bolt 
of leaders who had been frequently honored by the 
party, and always as the result of caucus action. They 
desired the Republicans of the State to pass upon the 
action of those who had repudiated its most cherished 
custom, 

Rollins, however, foresaw the danger in such a 
course. It would thrust into the next State campaign 
an issue which would divide the organization in many 
towns and imperil Republican ascendency in the State. 
The Republican majority in the legislature might be 
entirely wiped out by such local divisions, and the 
Democrats carry the State. In any event, the Republi- 
can majority in the legislature would be reduced and a 
still smaller number of bolters be able to control the 
election of a Senator. Whether viewed from the stand- 
point of party interest or his own future, Rollins re- 
garded his withdrawal from the contest as the only 
practical solution of the difficulty. His advice, there- 



DEFEAT FOR RE - ELECTION 475 

fore, to those who regretted his withdrawal was to unite 
upon some loyal Republican and thereby elect a Sen- 
ator. 

The sharp antagonisms which had arisen out of this 
Senatorial election, antagonisms that at one time 
threatened to wreck the party, were overshadowed by 
new issues before another election. Happily for the 
Republican party in 'New Hampshire, the elections 
were now biennial, and more than a year would elapse 
before the party would be called upon to act in its 
organized capacity. The feeling engendered by the 
struggle for the gubernatorial nomination in 1882 was 
allayed by the nomination of Moody Currier in 1884, 
while Blair was reelected to the Senate without formid- 
able opposition. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



ROLLINS S LAST YEARS 



The winter of 1883-4 Mr. Rollins passed in Wash- 
ington, having the same rooms at the hotel he had occu- 
pied while a Senator. During his Congressional and 
Senatorial career he had had little opportunity to par- 
ticipate in the social life of the capital. Thoroughly 
enjoying society, he could now gratify his tastes in this 
direction. He entertained liberally, and freely ac- 
cepted the many invitations that came to him. The 
season was one of unalloyed pleasure to both Mrs. Rol- 
lins and himself. 

He still had calls made upon him by friends in ISTew 
Hampshire for assistance in measures pending before 
Congress and the departments, to which he cheerfully 
responded as of old. A Presidential campaign was 
approaching, and this engaged his interest and atten- 
tion. Regarding President Arthur as one of the best 
executives who had occupied the White House, and 
believing that the Republican party was indebted to 
him for a reunion of its factional elements, Rollins 
entered enthusiastically into the canvass for Arthur's 
nomination for President. He wrote his friends in 
ISTew Hampshire urging their support, and, when spring 

476 



ROLLINS'S LAST YEARS 477 

opened, he returned home to assist in securing a dele- 
gation from the State in Arthur's favor. He became 
a candidate for delegate at large and was elected. His 
associates in the delegation were Charles H. Sawyer, 
of Dover, George H. Stowell, of Claremont, Joseph B. 
Clark and Charles D. McDuffee, of Manchester, War- 
ren Brown, of Hampton Falls, Frank D. Currier, of 
Canaan, and Henry B. Atherton, of ISTashua, all his 
personal friends. 

Sawyer was a broad-minded and public-spirited cit- 
izen of winning personality. Generous and unassuming, 
his interest in politics was without desire for political 
preferment. His election as governor of the State, 
which followed two years later, was a testimonial of 
the confidence of his fellow citizens. Brown, Stowell, 
and Clark were long-time and intimate political asso- 
ciates of Rollins, lieutenants upon whom he had relied 
in many campaigns. All these had been elected to 
positions of importance and trust. Atherton was a 
lawyer who had been active in politics at an earlier 
period, while McDuffee was a manufacturer whose rec- 
ognition was particularly appropriate. Currier, as 
hitherto stated, was at this time secretary of the Repub- 
lican State committee. Rollins was chosen chairman 
of the delegation, and later elected a member of the 
national committee. These were the last political posi- 
tions he ever held. 

The defeat of Arthur and the nomination of Blaine 
were disappointing to Rollins, for he believed Arthur 
to be the stronger candidate. Although doubting the 



478 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

wisdom of Blaine's nomination, lie engaged energet- 
ically in the campaign, making a large number of 
speeches, and, as a member of the national committee, 
giving much attention to the work of that committee. 
His activity gave public assurance that his defeat for 
Senator was not to interfere with his interest in the 
success of the party and the principles with which he 
had been identified for nearly thirty years. The man- 
ner of his defeat, however, grieved him. He had at 
all times and on all occasions respected the integrity 
of the Republican organization. When at its caucuses 
the party had preferred another to him, he had accepted 
in good spirit their decrees. Three times he had been 
defeated in his canvass for Senator before he was 
elected, and each time found him urging the party to 
renewed activity, and working with unabated zeal for 
its success. It was, therefore, not unnatural that he 
should dwell upon the methods pursued to prevent his 
reelection, and that in private conversation with 
friends he should give vent to his feelings. Yet, when 
the peril of the party was mentioned, he laid aside all 
thoughts of himself in his interest to have the party 
succeed. 

Rollins's enmities in politics were few and short- 
lived. With Marston he appears to have kept up a 
social intimacy until death separated them. Even 
after Marston had bolted the Senatorial caucus, each 
was invited by the other to visit him. Whatever 
thoughts those visits awakened, they did not interfere 
with the hospitality of either. With Stevens and 



ROLLINS'S LAST YEARS 479 

Bl'iggs his relations were wholly political, but other 
party associates who worked against his reelection were 
frequently among his callers and enjoyed his social 
entertainments. 

After the campaign of 1884, Rollins gradually re- 
tired from politics. He continued on the national 
committee until the next Presidential election, and his 
name appeared on the State committee for one more 
campaign. Business interests soon absorbed his time. 
December 25, 1879, the banking-house of Minot and 
Company, of Concord, was incorporated as a national 
bank, and named the Mechanicks National Bank. Rol- 
lins was chosen a director. Associated with him in the 
management of this bank were two men who were 
prominent in the affairs of the city and the State, 
Josiah Minot and Benjamin A. Kimball. Minot was 
the founder of the bank. He was an eminent lawyer 
and an able financier. At one time he was a law part- 
ner of Franklin Pierce. Upon the election of the 
latter to the Presidency, Minot was appointed to the 
bench of the State courts. Resigning from this posi- 
tion after a few years' service, he returned to the prac- 
tice of his profession, also engaging in railroad and 
banking business. In politics a Democrat, Minot was 
for a long time a guiding spirit in Democratic coun- 
cils. He was several times pitted against Rollins in 
the management of political campaigns in ISTew Hamp- 
shire. In whatever enlisted his attention he was a 
dominant force among his associates, although of a 
modest and retiring nature. 



480 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Benjamin A. Kimball, brother of John Kimball, was 
associated with EoUins in both banking and railroad 
matters during the latter years of Rollins's life. With 
no ambition for political honors, Kimball nevertheless 
became a prominent factor in the politics of the State. 
An ardent Republican, he took an active part in the 
management of the party, wielding a large influence. 
A long-time resident of Concord, the city has been his 
pride, and its welfare his concern. He has contributed 
materially to its development and growth, and in all 
that pertains to civic betterment he has been a leader. 

In addition to his connection with the national bank, 
in the affairs of which he took a more active part after 
his retirement from the Senate, Rollins, in 1884, 
formed a partnership with his son Frank in the bond 
business. Out of this partnership grew the incor- 
porated banking-house of E. H. Rollins & Sons, with 
offices at Concord, and later at Boston. In this estab- 
lishment all three of his sons were at one time inter- 
ested. 

Railroad matters were now becoming more acute in 
their relation to the politics of the State. The control 
of the Concord Railroad, the link connecting the north- 
ern and southern railroads of the State at Concord 
and Nashua, and in a position to exact tribute of all, 
had been for years a, bone of contention among the 
managers of these several railroads. The Boston and 
Maine Railroad had absorbed the Lowell Railroad on 
the south and was endeavoring to lease the railroads 
to the north of Concord. If successful in controlling 



ROLLINS'S LAST YEAES 481 

these northern roads, the absorption of the Concord 
Kailroad by the Boston and Maine was only a question 
of time. To create a ITew Hampshire system of rail- 
roads, owned and controlled in the State, wa-s the 
desire of Benjamin A. Kimball, John H. Pearson, and 
others interested in the Concord Eoad. Kimball en- 
listed Rollins in this enterprise and with others they 
secured control of the Boston, Concord and Montreal 
Railroad, one of the roads running north from Con- 
cord. Rollins was elected a director and president of 
this road in 1886, positions he held until his death in 
1889. Controlling the Boston, Concord and Montreal 
Railroad, they purposed to unite it with the Concord 
Railroad, hoping ultimately to secure connections with 
Boston. The consolidation with the Boston, Concord 
and Montreal Railroad did not take place until 
after Rollins's death, however, although authorized 
by the legislature at its June session in 1889. The 
consolidated railroad was to be called the New Hamp- 
shire Railroad, but, objections being raised by some of 
the stockholders of the Concord Railroad, the name 
was changed to the Concord and Montreal Railroad. 
In the legal and political struggles incident to the rail- 
road warfare of the State from 1886 to the time of his 
death Rollins was conspicuously active. He was stren- 
uously opposed to the absorption of the Concord Rail- 
road by the Boston and Maine, and he entered the 
contest to preserve the integrity of this road with his 
old-time vigor. 

Amid all this business activity Rollins found time 



482 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

for matters of social and local interest. He became 
a charter member of Capital Grange, at Concord, and 
gave considerable attention to the work of the Patrons 
of Husbandry. The organization of Shakespeare clubs 
at Concord about this time secured his hearty coopera- 
tion. As a member of the Warwick Club, he was a 
constant attendant upon its meetings, Shakespeare 
had been a favorite study of his hours of relaxation 
all through life. The winters he spent at Concord sub- 
sequent to 1883 were pleasant to him. After his first 
election to Congress in 1861, his public sendee and his 
connection with the Union Pacific Railroad had kept 
him away from his home city a large part of the time. 
Friends and neighbors who had been associated with 
him in the early years of his life at Concord seldom 
saw him. He had unintentionally grown apart from 
them. A renewal of the old ties was to him a con- 
stant pleasure. His spirits brightened and he found 
satisfaction in the quieter life he was leading. In 
.summer at the farm at Rollinsford, in winter at Con- 
cord, he had equal enjoyment. His children, now 
grown to manhood and womanhood, engrossed a large 
share of his thoughts, and he took just pride in their 
success. 

The end, however, was nearer than any had reason to 
suspect. His sixty-four years had nearly all of them 
been years of intense application, a continual drain 
upon his vitality. In 1888 he was prostrated by a 
shock of paralysis while in Boston on business. He 
recovered from this after a long illness, but another 



ROLLINS'S LAST YEARS 483 

followed a day or two after the annual meeting of the 
Boston, Concord and Montreal Railroad, in May, 1889. 
He again rallied, and, as soon as he was able to travel, 
he was taken to the Isles of Shoals, where he appeared 
to be regaining health and strength. A third attack 
came soon after, and from this he did not rally. He 
passed away July 31, 1889, aged sixty-four years, four 
months, and twenty-eight days. His funeral occurred 
two days later at St. Paul's Episcopal Church, of Con- 
cord. 

Prominent men, representatives of the State and 
national governments, and of the railroad and banking 
interests gave evidence by their presence of the high 
appreciation of Mr. Rollins's public service. The 
funeral services were conducted by the Masonic frater- 
nity. He was laid at rest in Blossom Hill Cemetery 
at the capital of the State, which had been so long his 
home. 

The day of his funeral the following tribute to his 
memory appeared in the Concord Monitor: 

^' ME. ROLLINS AS A EEPUBLICAN AND AS A PUBLIC 
SERVANT 

" Mr. Rollins came upon the stage of political action 
at the birth of the Republican party, and for a genera- 
tion he gave to its cause fealty undoubted, and service 
unsurpassed. He had an unfaltering faith in its prin- 
•ciples, and he never hesitated in the support he gave 
to them. Ko personal disappointment ever detracted 



484 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

from his fidelity and no defeat ever weakened his be- 
lief that the Eepublican party was best fitted to govern 
the country. He had a prominent part in the creation 
of the Eepublican organization of the State, the most 
thoroughly equipped political organization of any State 
in the Union, as its unprecedented line of victories 
abundantly prove. 

" As chairman of the State committee Mr. Rollins 
became its central figure. He had a mind that readily 
grasped all the details of party management, and his 
incisive methods always forced the enemy upon the 
defensive. He brought the organization to that degree 
of perfection where the State committee could predict 
its success and find in the election returns a verification 
of its prophecies. His repeated triumphs as the leader 
of political campaigns inspired unbounded confidence 
in his generalship, and, after one year of absence dur- 
ing which the party lost the State, his return to the 
chairmanship of the State committee gave an eclat to 
the canvass that made victory certain. 

" Rollins saw the weak points in his opponents' 
campaign and quickly concentrated his attacking col- 
umns at those points. He knew the political history of 
the towns of the State by heart. He had a good knowl- 
edge of men. He placed every man where he would 
be most effective. N'othing was left to chance. The 
press, the stump speakers, the town canvassers, every 
one, received inspiration from headquarters. The 
times were propitious for party discipline, and the 
organization worked with the directness and force of 



ROLLINS'S LAST YEARS 485 

a well-drilled army. Eollins's name became a house- 
hold word in politics. It was associated with every 
move upon the political checker-board. 

" When the battle was won, Rollins was equally effi- 
cient in harmonizing rival claims for recognition. Be- 
ginning with the Republican party he desired to per- 
petuate it. Proud of its stand for human rights, he 
was a radical in all its advance movements. The his- 
tory of the Republican party of New Hampshire is 
a biography of the personal work of Edward H. Rol- 
lins. The party never had a more intrepid leader or 
more devoted follower than he. 

" Few men have filled so large a space in the public 
affairs of Xew Hampshire as Senator Rollins. Six 
years a Congressman, six years a United States Sen- 
ator, and for more than thirty years a leader of a great 
political party, his whole life was one of publicity. 
No man ever gave more untiring service to the State 
and nation. Because of his conception of public duty, 
his ceaseless industry, his constant regard for the 
wishes of his constituents, it can be truly said of him 
that he earned the honors that were conferred upon 
him. His official career was without spot or blemish. 
The constant target for partisan attacks, no one ever 
questioned his personal or political integrity. 

" He loved his native State and anything that con- 
cerned the welfare of New Hampshire always found 
in him a zealous and effective advocate. In the ex- 
citement of a political campaign he was a party man. 
As a public servant, all New Hampshire men were his 



486 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

constituents. The cause of every citizen of the State 
was made his own. Whether it was a bill for relief 
before Congress, a call for a hearing before a depart- 
ment, or a measure that would aid N^ew Hampshire's 
prosperity, he pushed it with a persistency that seldom 
failed of success. 

" l^ow that the sad announcement of his death 
reaches all parts of the State, many an humble in- 
dividual will recall, to the credit and honor of Mr. 
Rollins, some incident of the many in his life when the 
red tape of official routine was rudely brushed aside 
that some needy or suffering applicant might secure 
his rights. Mr. Rollins took pride in saying to the 
people of ]^ew Hampshire that, when he failed in 
being of service to his constituents, he hoped they 
would demand his resignation. He felt all this saying 
implied, and he never left Washington at the close of 
a session until after every request from New Hamp- 
shire had received consideration. 

" In this city is a handsome public building. It is 
the post-office of the city, and is for the use of every 
citizen. Senator Rollins secured the passage of the 
bill through Congress authorizing its construction. 
When the Senate committees of the forty-seventh Con- 
gress, the last of which Rollins was a member, were 
made up, he asked for the chairmanship of the com- 
mittee on public buildings and grounds. Other more 
important and influential chairmanships were at his 
disposal, but he declined them all that he might secure 
for the capital city of his State a public building at 



ROLLINS'S LAST YEARS 487 

once ornamental and useful. ISTo subject ever inter- 
ested him more, and, when the bill received the signa- 
ture of President Arthur, it was a proud moment of 
Senator Rollins's life. He lived to witness the comple- 
tion of the structure and see it put to public use. In 
that it was due to his untiring exertions, it was his 
tribute to the city that had so generously honored him. 
If he has no other monument erected to his memory, 
this building speaks more eloquently than granite shaft 
or statue of the public service of one of New Hamp- 
shire's most useful citizens." 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

EOLLINS'S FAMILY LIFE AND PEESONAL TEAITS 

^NoTWiTH STANDING liis intensely active life in poli- 
tics and business, Mr. Rollins was a thoroughly domes- 
tic man. The old home at Concord and the farm at 
Rollinsford were ever in his thoughts. He turned to 
either place with a feeling of relief from all anxiety. 
Family life seemed to soothe and charm him. What- 
ever shadows clouded his public career, they never fell 
upon his household. Here all must be sunshine and 
laughter. The home-life of his children is the pleas- 
antest of their recollections. The boisterousness of 
youth never disturbed him. He used to say to his 
children : " Have all the company you want. Invite 
your friends to the house at any time. I would rather 
that your friends visited you than that you visited 
them." The result was that the Rollins home at Con- 
cord and the Rollins house at Rollinsford frequently 
resembled a school at recess with its babel of voices and 
romping plays. Whatever the turmoil, Mr. Rollins sat 
with entire composure reading or writing, apparently 
oblivious of the noise and confusion. An incident 
related by his son, Montgomery Rollins, illustrates this 
characteristic. 

488 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 489 

" I remember one day when the house was full of 
my boy and girl friends. Father was reading in the 
living-room. We were playing very noisy games, dash- 
ing in and out of the room he was occupying. Ali of 
a sudden we took up some new game which kept us 
absolutely quiet. In a few minutes father laid down 
his paper, looked around in a surprised way, and said, 
' What's the matter ? ' The absence of commotion and 
noise was the only thing which arrested his attention." 

In the old house at Concord, the sleej)ing-room of 
Mr. and Mrs. Rollins was situated with entrances to 
both the front and back halls. An old custom in that 
city ushered in May Day with the blowing of horns. 
One May morning, about three o'clock, Frank W. Rol- 
lins, the second son, then a lad of ten years, led a 
troop of his boy friends quietly into the house and up 
the front stairs to the door of his parents' sleeping 
apartment. At a given signal the door was swung open 
and some twenty boys blowing horns with the full 
strength of their lungs marched through the room, by 
the foot of the bed, out into the back hall, and down 
the back stairs. Mr. and Mrs. Rollins sat up in bed, 
rubbed their eyes, and simply smiled on the passing 
procession. 

Yet Mr. Rollins could be a stern though indulgent 
parent. His punishments of his children were few, 
but they were never forgotten. As a rule, a look or a 
quickly spoken word of command were enough to cor- 
rect any misdemeanor. Those who remember him will 
readily recall the penetration of his keen black eyes. 



490 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

They seemed to read tlie motive of the offender brought 
up for discipline. When angry, his eyes would flash 
fire and his voice ring out like a clarion note. Many 
a politician has quailed before his glance without a 
word being spoken. Yet to the young his countenance 
invariably lighted up with a smile of encouragement. 
Making companions of his children, Mr. Eollins's ad- 
monitions and advice were rather those of an elder 
brother than a parent. He fully appreciated the natu- 
ral ways of boys and girls, and he had a humane way 
of dealing with their failings. Speaking again of his 
father, Montgomery Rollins says: ^' It was not hi& 
custom to scold us at length, but in some quiet way to 
enforce upon our minds our waywardness and teach us 
the necessity of obedience. The fact that he did not 
harp upon our shortcomings made him stand a, great 
deal higher in our estimation, and his system of cor- 
rection was, therefore, more effective." 

While providing generously for his children in all 
that contributed to their education, comfort, and enjoy- 
ment, he did not believe in indulging them in the lux- 
ury of too much spending money. He feared that such 
indulgence would spoil them. From necessity, he had, 
in youth, passed through the rigid school of economy, 
and he sought to instil precepts of thrift and self-reli- 
ance in the minds of his children. He encouraged 
travel and all other means of broadening their lives, 
but enforced habits of industry and independence of 
parental support. After he had tested them and found 
them competent, they ever afterward had his confidence 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 491 

and assistance. He gave to his sons the best education 
obtainable, but they were made to understand that they 
must depend upon themselves the day their education 
was finished. This last injunction was literally en- 
forced, for, from the day that they left school, he cut 
off their supplies of money, and each was obliged to 
shift for himself. 

The Rollins home was conducted upon broad lines. 
Supplies for the household were purchased in large 
quantities and at wholesale. In the autumn the larder 
was stocked much in the same manner as summer 
hotels, for the season. There was a big room on the 
north side of the house at Concord which was never 
heated. Around this room were hung late in the fall 
quarters of beef, halves of hogs, hams, etc., while stored 
within it were barrels of apples, potatoes, sugar, and 
flour, with bags of coffee and chests of tea. Thus there 
was never any lack of supplies when unexpected visitors 
arrived. It was a rare occurrence for the family to sit 
down to a meal without the presence of some expected 
or unexpected guest. Sunday was a day when com- 
pany was most numerous. 

The old house at Concord, in which Mrs. Rollins's 
family, the Wests, had resided for generations, was a 
curiously constructed building. It had been added to 
from time to time when more room was needed, until 
it branched out in all directions without plan or sym- 
metry. One might lose himself in the dark halls which 
led to outlying rooms. It was a famous house for 
children's sports, and many a game of hide and seek 



492 LIFE OF EDWAED H. ROLLINS 

was played within it. One room, the library, lives in 
the memory of those who were accustomed to call or 
visit there. It was a long, narrow room across one end 
of the house, heated by an air-tight stove. Shelves 
lined its four sides from floor to ceiling, and these were 
filled to overflowing with books and pamphlets. This 
room, when the door was closed, was entirely separated 
from the main part of the house. It not only served 
as a retreat for those who were studious and desired 
quiet, but was also a great resort for the children on 
stormy days. Here many a successful political cam- 
paign was planned and its details carefully worked out. 
There is hardly a politician of note of the old guard 
of 'New Hampshire who has not been there. 

The dining-room of this house was large and ample. 
While a low-studded building, the generous size of all 
the rooms gave to this dwelling the appearance of ex- 
tensive proportions. It was simply but adequately 
furnished, although every piece of furniture bore the 
marks of constant usage, l^ot a nook or a comer of the 
house but served some useful purpose. It was not an 
uncommon happening to have cots put up in the j^ar- 
lors, for even the accommodations of the sleeping apart- 
ments were at times overtaxed. Mr. Rollins's family 
was ever a large one, for, in addition to his own chil- 
dren, he always had with him some of his nephews or 
nieces, who made his house their home, and were edu- 
cated and cared for by him. 

At the farm in Rollinsford, it was not unusual for 
twenty-five people to gather at the dinner-table, with 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 493 

the addition of from seven to ten in the servants' din- 
ing-room. Mr. Rollins sat at the head of the board and 
carved for this large family with the greatest satis- 
faction. The house had much the appearance of the 
famous Southern homes in the patriarchal days before 
the war. When Mr. Rollins, after their destruction by 
fire, rebuilt the farm buildings, he planned them with 
the expectation of having all his children and their 
families with him during the summer season. He 
could never understand why it was not perfectly simple 
for every one of the children and grandchildren to come 
to the farm the first of June and remain until October. 
Indeed, if they did not come with " bag and baggage " 
for a long visit, he felt somewhat hurt and neglected. 

Such a family could not have been reared, and such 
hospitality could not have been dispensed, without the 
presence of a broad-minded wife and mother. Most 
helpful to her husband was Mrs. Rollins. Of cheer- 
ful disposition, devoted to her family, fertile in re- 
sources, charming as a hostess, she endeared the Rol- 
lins home to all who came within its portals. It made 
little difference to Mr. and Mrs. Rollins whether the 
company were old or young, their own friends and 
acquaintances or those of the children, a cordial wel- 
come awaited every comer. 

There was no dearer spot to Senator Rollins than 
his farm at Rollinsford. It was his pride and joy, his 
only source of recreation. Whenever his public duties 
or his business interests permitted, he sought its seclu- 
sion. It was on this place that the freest and happiest 



494 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

hours of his life were spent. It had been the home of 
his childhood. Many of the neighbors were friends 
of his youth. All the associations of his early years 
clustered around this locality. There all cares were 
laid aside. After the strain of a long session of Con- 
gress, nothing did him so much good as his activities 
about this place. The house which his father had 
built he remodelled and improved. In April, 1881, 
all the buildings were destroyed by fire. When the 
news came to him of the conflagration, and he was 
assured that the family was safe, his only inquiry was 
regarding a stately old elm which stood in front of the 
house. When informed that this was uninjured, he 
said, " Then I shall rebuild on the old spot ; " and 
rebuild he did, but on a larger scale. 

Senator Rollins was a very ardent and genuine 
farmer. He loved the soil and had a very strong at- 
tachment for the place of his birth. Uniting his prac- 
tical knowledge of agriculture, gleaned when a boy, 
with the information to be obtained from agricultural 
publications, he sought to bring this farm of his an- 
cestors to the highest state of cultivation. In this he 
succeeded, for in productiveness his farm excelled any 
in that section of the State. With William A. Russell, 
of Lawrence, Massachusetts, he was a pioneer in the 
introduction of the Holstein breed of cattle into E'ew 
England, importing them from Holland. At the time 
of his death, he had a handsome herd of Holsteins, of 
which he was very proud. They were all registered, 
and were a source of attraction to the farmers of the 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 495 

State, for they were then comparatively new to this 
country. 

The haying season Mr. Kollins particularly enjoyed. 
There was something about it that strongly appealed to 
him. It was the beginning of the harvest, and he took 
especial pride in cutting and curing the grass without 
injury from rainfall. He always drove the mowing- 
machine when at home. Plis dress, when at work in 
the field, consisted of high top boots with his trousers 
tucked into them, a flannel shirt, an ordinary coat, 
and a broad sombrero hat. On such occasions he 
hardly looked the well-dressed business man, in which 
character he generally appeared, but he thoroughly 
enjoyed himself. Amusing stories are told about the 
mistakes of strangers coming to the farm to see him 
on business or politics, who took him for the superin- 
tendent rather than the owner of the farm, a mistake 
which he was inclined to encourage, generally leading 
the caller to commit himself before he revealed his own 
identity. Mr. Rollins was a man of gi'eat quickness 
of motion, wiry and strong, and he could easily tire out 
men of larger physique who were accustomed to out- 
door labor. As a boy, " he held the belt," as the phrase 
used to rim, both as a mower and as cradler of rye and 
barley for the town of Rollinsford. Sparing not him- 
self, he insisted that everybody under his eye should 
do a full day's work. His sons did not always take as 
much interest in the labor of the hay-field as he did, 
but, so long as the haying lasted, they were obliged to 
work. After the haying was over, they had to pick 



496 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

the stones out of the stubble in those parts of the fields 
which had been recently seeded down. Then they were 
free for the rest of the summer. 

]\Ir. Eollins was very fond of horses and of driving. 
He always kept a pair of small Morgan horses, and 
they Avere invariably bought for him by one man, 
William Putnam, of Concord, familiarly known as 
" Old Put," a man of unerring judgment of horse flesh. 
When the family was in Concord, the horses were 
brought to the door directly after dinner Sunday after- 
noons, and, driving himself, Mr, Rollins took as many 
of the family as could be stowed into a two-seated car- 
riage for a ride over the " dark plains," around Pena- 
cook or over the Dimbarton Koad. To drive across from 
Concord to the fann at Rollinsford, a distance of forty 
miles, was a very common occurrence. This trip was 
made by an early start in the morning, breakfast being 
eaten on the way. The old tavern at ISTorthwood 
was generally reached by noon, and here they dined. 

Whenever Mr. Rollins was at the farm, it became 
the rendezvous for all the politicians and prominent 
men in the southeastern part of the State. Among 
the men frequently seen there were : Chief Justice 
Charles Doe, a neighbor at Rollinsford; Alfred P. 
Howard, Elbridge Pierce, Aaron Young, and J. Horace 
Kent, of Portsmouth ; Edward Ashton and Daniel Rol- 
lins, of Somersworth ; Daniel Hall, Andrew H. Young, 
J. F. Seavey, Reverend George A. Spaulding, Charles 
H. Sawyer, and Rev. Dr. Alonzo H. Quint, of 
Dover; Warren Brown, of Hampton Palls; Jacob 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 497 

Young, of Barrington; Charles S. Whitehouse, of 
Eochester; Charles W. Talpey aud Alonzo ISTute, of 
Farmington, and Oilman Marston, of Eeter. Any 
pleasant afternoon in the summer was a time when 
some of these men were sure to be gathered at the Rol- 
lins homestead. It was their custom to repair to the 
pasture where was located a boiling spring. From this 
spring the water bubbled out of the ground cold and 
clear as crystal. The great pines towered overhead, 
and, seated around this spring on the soft pine needles, 
many a good story was told, and many a political cam- 
paign discussed. 

During his early manhood Mr. Rollins was very 
active in masonry, and for many years devoted much 
time to its work. He passed through all the chairs in 
the Blue Lodge, and was master of Blazing Star Lodge, 
of Concord. Also Knight Templar, he became com- 
mander of Mount Horeb Commandery at the capital. 
In after life he frequently referred to the benefit he 
derived from his work in masonic bodies, placing 
special stress upon the training it gave him for public 
life. Accustomed to presiding in a masonic lodge, he 
surprised the members of the ISTew Hampshire legisla- 
ture by the familiarity he showed with parliamentary 
proceedings and the ease with which he discharged the 
duties of Speaker when first elected to that position. 
After his death a paper was found in the archives of 
the commandery requesting that he be buried with 
masonic honors. 

At one time Mr. Rollins took a special interest in 



498 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

military affairs. He was one of the charter members 
of the Horse Guards, a famous New Hampshire mili- 
tary organization. Elected first as a lieutenant, he 
subsequently became captain of one of the companies 
of this battalion. The membership of this organiza- 
tion embraced many prominent men of the State. Its 
unifonn was that of the French Hussars, and, when 
mounted, the command made a most striking appear- 
ance. Each man supplied his own uniform and equip- 
ment, and all expenses were borne out of the battalion 
treasury. The Horse Guards gave an annual ball, 
which was a social feature of the capital. They per- 
formed escort duty at the inauguration of the governor, 
and sometimes appeared on other important occasions. 
They offered their services to the government at the 
very beginning of the Civil War, but the offer was 
declined, it was said, on the ground that the war would 
be so brief there would be no use for cavalry. A 
number of its officers and men, however, enlisted, and 
went to the front. Mr. Rollins would doubtless have 
been among the number had he not just been elected 
to Congress and continued there throughout the war. 
While not obliged to do so, he furnished at his own 
expense two recruits who served until the close of hos- 
tilities. 

In keeping with the memory of Mr. Rollins, men- 
tion should be made of Julius Cone, an eccentric 
genius, well known to politicians of the State, and par- 
ticularly well remembered by the older inhabitants 
of Concord. As a young man, Cone entered Mr. Rol- 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 499 

lins's drug store as a temporary substitute for some 
absent clerk. This temporary employment became per- 
manent, and, until his death, Cone was as much a 
fixture of that store as its furnishings. He slept in it, 
or in a room directly overhead, and never went any- 
where except for long walks in the woods. He was a 
well-read man and quite a naturalist. A deep student 
of human nature, Cone had a bitter hatred of all 
pretence and fraud. His disposition was kindly, 
and his sympathies broad. He had a handsome face, 
and was loved by all who knew him. Mr. Rollins's 
confidence in him was unbounded, and he never re- 
turned to Concord without calling upon Julius Cone. 

Another character identified with Mr. Rollins's life 
was his farm superintendent, William H. Prescott. 
While a reliable man, Prescott's methods were not 
always satisfactory to Mr. Rollins. The latter had a 
quick and somewhat fiery temper, and when aroused 
was apt to make his wishes known in a very peremp- 
tory way. He was liable to be especially exasperated 
when suffering from violent headaches, to which he was 
subject whenever his nervous system was taxed by the 
strenuous life he led. Then he would pace the floor 
for hours, his head bound with a wet towel, in excruci- 
ating pain. At such times and others he would be irri- 
tated by some failure of his superintendent to meet his 
expectations, or by some fancied shortcoming, and dis- 
charge him. He would say: 

" Prescott, I am done with you. Come to the house 
Saturday night and get your pay." 



500 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

Prescott would reply, " All right, sir." Wlien Satur- 
day night came, Mr. Rollins would make out his time, 
pay him, and take his receipt in full. Then he would 
say, " Now we are square, and I am through with you." 
Prescott would reply, " Yes, sir ? " and leave the room. 
Early Monday morning he would he at work again. 
Mr. Rollins would see him, but make no comment. 
Prescott would go on as if nothing had happened until 
the next disagreement, when the formality of dismissal 
would be repeated. This happened so many times that 
it became a standing joke in the family. Prescott, 
who is now employed by Mr. Rollins's sons, recounts 
with great gusto the number of times he was dis- 
charged but did not go. Sometimes after a discharge 
the boys would ask Prescott if he intended to go. He 
would reply, " Why, bless yer, no. Mr. Rollins don't 
mean it. He couldn't run the farm without me." 

When Mr. Rollins was Senator, Governor l^att 
Head, of IsTew Hampshire, came to Washington to 
secure the appointment of a friend to the position of 
keeper of the Whalesback lighthouse at Portsmouth, 
then vacant. Admiral Dewey was at that time at the 
head of the lighthouse board, with the rank of captain. 
Both Senator Rollins and Governor Head knew Dewey 
intimately, as the latter's first wife was the daughter 
of Governor Goodwin, of Portsmouth, and Dewey 
spent much time in that city. Calling at Captain 
Dewey's ofiice, Rollins said : " Dewey, there is a 
vacancy, as you know, at the Whalesback lighthouse, 
and we want Governor Head's friend appointed 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 501 

keeper." Captain Dewey appeared embarrassed, hesi- 
tated a little, and then said, " I am very sorry, Mr. 
Rollins, but we have changed our custom. We don't 
appoint any more. We promote." Rollins glared at 
Dewey for a few seconds, his eyes snapping fire, and 
then said, in his most sarcastic tone, " Oh, you promote, 
do you, Dewey ? That's the new thing. You promote. 
We'll see about that. Come on. Head." Grabbing his 
hat, he rushed out of the ofiice, and over to the Secretary 
of the Treasury, who is the president of the lighthouse 
board. In less than ten minutes, he was back to 
Dewey's office out of breath, but with a triumphant 
smile lighting up his countenance. Throwing down 
on Dewey's desk an order from the Secretary of the 
Treasury to appoint Governor Head's friend, he ex- 
claimed, " There, Dewey, we won't have any promotion 
to-day." 

It is, perhaps, needless to say that this incident oc- 
curred before the passage of the civil service law. In 
common with other leaders of that time, Rollins believed 
that those who helped to fight the battles of the party, 
and contributed to the maintenance of its principles 
were entitled to the rewards of office when the vic- 
toiy was won. This was also the belief of practically 
all his constituents in IsTew Hampshire, Democrats as 
well as Republicans. In carrying out their wishes, Mr. 
Rollins was just as persistent whether the request that 
came to him was for an office or for the performance 
of some legislative duty in Congress. Although he 
was in sympathy with the political spirit of his time. 



502 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

he had no patience with incompetent employees, 
whether in private or public life. Inefficient govern- 
ment clerks failed to enlist his interest to prevent their 
discharge. He made it a rule never to recommend any 
but competent men for office. So long as they main- 
tained their efficiency, he stood by them, but, if they 
proved unworthy, he made no effort to secure their 
retention. 

About nine years of Mr. Rollins's active life were 
spent as secretary and treasurer of the Union Pacific 
Railroad. His service with this road began right 
after the close of his third term in Congress. It was 
at a time when the building of the road was in progress 
and the corporation Avas having a hard struggle to 
maintain itself. The treasurer's position was an oner- 
ous one, for the road met with many reverses. Execu- 
tive ability and financial skill were necessary to keep 
it from bankruptcy. Mr. Eollins's duties brought him 
in contact with some of the ablest financiers and rail- 
road men of the countiy. They all bore testimony to 
his shrewdness and sagacity in meeting emergencies 
as they arose. He was present at the laying of the last 
rail and the driving of the golden spike of the Union 
Pacific Railroad, the completion of which was to con- 
nect by rail the Atlantic Coast with the Pacific. In 
memory of the event, Mr. Rollins wore on his watch 
chain a small spike made from the gold one used on 
this occasion. 

While not a communicant of any church, Mr. Rol- 
lins was a regular attendant at service on Sunday. 



FAMILY LIFE AND PERSONAL TRAITS 503 

When in Concord, out of deference to his wife, he 
went to St. Paul's Episcopal Church, and in its faith 
his children were reared. At Rollinsford, he attended 
the church of his youth, the First Congregational, of 
Dover. One of his most intimate friends was its 
pastor, the Reverend Dr. George A. Spaulding. iSi^ot 
strictly speaking a sectarian, he was nevertheless an 
earnest supporter and constant contributor to church 
work. In his observance of the Sabbath as well as in 
his daily conduct there was to be seen the strong impress 
of his mother's teaching and example. Of the strictest 
integrity, his word was never questioned in business or 
politics. He forgot no promise and disappointed no 
friend. In public life, he was scrupulously honest. He 
never sought by indirection to obtain that which could 
not be secured by open dealing. Throughout his long 
career, there was no reflection ever made upon his char- 
acter. This is the more remarkable, considering the 
many political contests in which he was engaged. 
Even when his defeat for reelection to the Senate was 
sought by fellow Republicans, envious of his success, 
there was not even a whisper that he had been other 
than a diligent, efficient, and upright public servant. 
Opportunities he had, both in financial life and as 
treasurer of the Union Pacific Railroad, to acquire 
wealth if guided only by the technical restraints of 
law, but he carefully avoided them all. He died leav- 
ing only a moderate fortune for his day, accumulated 
by industry, thrift, and careful investment. 



CHAPTEK XXVIII. 

SUMMARY 

To estimate justly the life of Edward H. Rollins 
and the part he played in an important epoch of our 
history, it is necessary to take into account the period 
of his activity and the influence of IsTew Hampshire on 
the politics of the country. Rollins stood out pre- 
eminent as a party organizer and manager of political 
campaigns at a time when the success or defeat of the 
Republican party meant the destruction or perpetua- 
tion of slavery, the preservation or dissolution of the 
Union, and, after the close of the war, the reaping of 
its fruits or the failure of the harvest. He was at 
the head of the Republican organization in a doubtful 
State, whose influence in national affairs was all out 
of proportion to the size of the State. The 'New Hamp- 
shire election was the first in the year, and, being a 
debatable State, the election was regarded as the key- 
note of subsequent elections of the year. Both polit- 
ical parties sought to strike this note for the influence it 
would have upon other States. The State had been 
wrested from Democratic control during President 
Pierce's administration by the Know-lvTothing coalition 
under Rollins's leadership. Being the home of the 

504 



SUMMARY 505 

President, the loss of 'New Hampshire to the Demo- 
cratic party in 1855 brought the State into national 
prominence, and it retained that prominence until 
1878, when its elections were changed from March 
to i^ovember. The Know-lSTothing coalition was suc- 
ceeded in power by the Republican party in 1856. 
The enrolment of the State in the Republican column 
that year was significant of the political transition 
going on throughout the country. Again in 1860, the 
March election foreshadowed the national triumph of 
the Republican party in the fall of that year. Through- 
out the Civil War, when the vital question was the up- 
holding of President Lincoln's administration, Kew 
Hampshire Republicans never wavered. Other and 
larger Republican States were turned from their party 
allegiance, electing Democratic governors and legisla- 
tures, thus discouraging enlistments, but the vote of 
ISTew Hampshire was always for the vigorous prosecu- 
tion of the war. Later, during Grant's two adminis- 
trations, when Republican supremacy in the nation 
was frequently threatened, ISTew Hampshire Republi- 
cans stood true to their party and its principles. Often 
an October and E'ovember tidal wave of Democratic 
success was turned back at the following March election 
in ISTew Hampshire. ISTew York, Ohio, and Indiana 
were pivotal States because of their size. !fTew Hamp- 
shire was pivotal because of the date of its election. 

To Rollins was committed year after year the charge 
of keeping New Hampshire in line for the Republican 
party. He built up and perfected a party organization 



506 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

never equalled in any State of the Union in any period 
of our history. Party feeling was intense. The issues 
of the war and the reconstruction period which fol- 
lowed overshadowed all other questions. With elec- 
tions occurring annually, there was little cessation of 
politics throughout the year. The margin by which 
the Republican party held the State was narrow. Any 
small defection imperilled the party ascendency. There 
was no place for experiments in politics. Party lines 
were tightly drawn. There was no room for third 
parties, and, when they sprang up, their existence was 
short-lived. The dissatisfied or independent voters 
were forced into one camp or the other. Men were 
either Republicans or Democrats. The Mugwump did 
not flourish on New Hampshire soil. Both Republi- 
cans and Democrats were taught that their own party 
was radically right and the other party radically 
wrong. The open ballot prevailed, and there were few 
voters of the State who were not proud to display their 
party allegiance. As exacting as that of an army in 
the field was the discipline in political campaigns. 
Men might not like personally their leaders, but they 
obeyed their orders. Individual interests and feelings 
had to be subordinated to the success of the party in 
the face of the enemy. 

Yet there were personal differences to reconcile, 
party mistakes to excuse, conflicting ambitions to ad- 
just, and disappointments to placate, that every Repub- 
lican might be rallied to the polls to support the ticket. 
This is always more difficult to do in a small State 



SUMMARY 507 

than in a large one, for the reason that, in a small 
State, there is closer touch of individuals, and better 
knowledge of details. Men like John P. Hale, Amos 
Tuck, Daniel Clark, and George G. Fogg were in the 
forefront giving force to the principles of the Eepub- 
lican party, meeting the arguments of its opponents, 
shaping its policies, and appealing in the forum and 
the press to the voters. At a later date other strong 
and able men battled in the legislature, on the stump, 
and in the newspapers for the maintenance of the prin- 
ciples of the Republican party. But the work of hold- 
ing the party intact for political campaigns devolved 
upon Rollins. He organized the local clubs, inspired 
the local leaders, secured the canvasses of the voters, 
marshalled the forces, and directed the contests in the 
strenuous political battles that were fought year after 
year. Detracting nothing from the services of other 
distinguished Republicans of the State, the situation 
of the Republican party in IsTew Hampshire called for 
just such a leader as Rollins to direct and manage its 
political campaigns. The party could not have con- 
tinued to hold power for so long a period in so many 
adverse circumstances without just such a general of 
its forces. It is not too much to say that, in several 
crises, Rollins's genius as a party manager saved the 
State to the Republican party. 

It was the confidence of the rank and file of the party 
that kept Rollins so long at the head of the Republican 
State committee. There were times when his rivals 
for political honors would have gladly set him aside. 



608 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

His aspirations were known. The chairmansliip of 
the State committee, and his repeated successes in 
that position, gave him prestige and a strong following, 
but there was a feeling among those who sought prefer- 
ment that Rollins had an undue advantage in being at 
the head of the Republican organization. Yet no one 
was ready to assume the responsibility of the position, 
and no disinterested individual appeared to take com- 
mand. The place was not without its disadvantages. 
It was quite as easy to incur hostility in the discharge 
of its duties as to make friendships. The emergencies 
of the campaigns called for quick decisions, and Rol- 
lins's manner sometimes gave offence. He had a direct- 
ness of speech not always pleasing. Clearly seeing 
himself what a crisis demanded, he was impatient 
when others did not quickly grasp the situation. His 
sharp and sometimes severe speech provoked personal 
hostility, but his outbursts of indignation had in them 
no resentment. After forcibly expressing himself, he 
dismissed from his mind the incident, and was sur- 
prised that others remembered it. He held sway at 
a time when almost military discipline was necessary 
to win political battles. Yet he was sagacious in 
his dealings with men, and there was method in the 
discipline he enforced. To the party at large in the 
State he was the successful leader. They saw little 
of the frictions and annoyances at headquarters. They 
were infused \vi\h his courage, and were sanguine of 
victory when he planned the campaign. They also 
shared his pride in keeping ]^ew Hampshire constantly 



SUMMARY 509 

in support of Kepublican policies. His appeals in- 
voked their enthusiastic support, and they held him in 
affectionate regard. 

Kollins's public service was the outgrowth of his 
identification with the politics of 'New Hampshire. He 
was ambitious. In the furtherance of his ambition 
he fully qualified himself for public position. The 
glamour of official life had little charm for him, but he 
enjoyed the struggle to attain position, and the labor 
and responsibility it entailed. He was a man of action, 
and the severe tension of political struggles appealed 
to him. In addition to this, he was a man of strong 
convictions, and the issues of his day enlisted his 
heartiest sympathies. He believed that the rewards 
of political contests should be bestowed upon those 
who were instrumental in winning those contests. 
This view was shared by a large majority of the people 
of the State. l!^either party in the State had use for 
an individual who was not ready at all times to put 
on the political harness and work for the success of 
the cause with which he was identified. Some excelled 
as speakers, others as writers, and still others as or- 
ganizers. The labors of all were essential to success. 
Therefore, all classes were entitled to recognition. The 
people of New Hampshire agi'eed with the late Thomas 
B. Reed that " statesmen are politicians who are dead." 
Every male citizen of ISTew Hampshire was a politician 
in the broadest sense of the tenii, in that he had definite 
political principles, was ready to defend them, knew 
whom he desired to represent him in public position. 



510 LIFE OF EDWAKD H. ROLLINS 

and was not indifferent to holding office himself. There 
were many aspirants for political honors, and but few 
positions. These honors did not come without a con- 
test and personal effort. In this struggle for party 
faivor, Rollins had his part, tasting the bitterness of 
defeat as well as the pleasures of victory. 

His service as a member of the legislature and 
Speaker of the House, a member of Congress and United 
States Senator, covered a period of fifteen years, or 
about half the time that he was active in politics. 
The twelve years he spent in both branches of Con- 
gress were years of unremitting toil. In his legislative 
career he never attempted to appear other than he was, 
a diligent, painstaking legislator, loyal to his State, 
and true to his convictions. He mastered the details 
of all subjects coming within the province of his 
assignments, and, if he had occasion to express his 
views, his speeches showed an intelligent grasp of the 
question under consideration. He made very few set 
speeches during his Congressional career, and none for 
home consumption. For all demagogical displays he 
had no feeling but contempt. It would have been to 
his credit if he had participated more frequently in 
debate, for he had that happy faculty of clear and 
direct statement which enlists the attention and appeals 
to the understanding. Rollins, however, comprehended 
as fully as any man in legislative life the value of 
silence when a measure is successfully running^ the 
gauntlet of its several parliamentary stages. Many 
a worthy measure has been imperilled or defeated by 



SUMMARY 511 

the ardor of its friends to go on record in its favor. 
Rollins's whole training in life had been to subordinate 
the individual to the triumph of the cause. His legis- 
lative service, therefore, while not conspicuous, was 
eminently creditable and successful. None of his asso- 
ciates in the Senate showed greater skill in piloting 
measures through that body. 

'New Hampshire interests especially appealed to 
Rollins. While he was a member of the House and 
the Senate, requests from home for assistance came 
directly to him in preference to his colleagues from the 
State. This preference oftentimes became so marked 
that Rollins was compelled to ask constituents to 
take the initiative through some colleague more directly 
interested, that his relations with his associates from 
l^ew Hampshire might remain cordial. His attention 
to the wants of his constituents would have made him a 
busy man if he had done nothing else while in Wash- 
ington. No call from ISTew Hampshire was too 
trivial to be ignored. The reputation he acquired for 
bringing about results constantly increased these de- 
mands. Some were deserving attention, while others 
were not, but Rollins made no distinction if the 
requests were reasonable, and there was even a remote 
possibility of their being granted. Such work as this 
entailed contributed little or nothing to his public 
reputation, nor was it always justly appreciated by 
the beneficiaries. Oftentimes a request involving days 
or weeks of persistent effort to attain it was indiffer- 
ently received. Yet the appreciation and gratitude of 



512 LIFE OF EDWARD H. EOLLINS 

some humble claimant seemed to compensate Rollins 
for the ingratitude of others. 

Rollins had earned and was entitled to a reelection to 
the Senate. Had his service been at a later period, he 
undoubtedly would have secured it. He suffered de- 
feat partly because of the belief of the Republican 
party of New Hampshire in the principle of rotation 
in office, a principle which Rollins himself had long 
advocated. The Republicans of New Hampshire at 
that time had more concern in holding the State than 
in the influence her representatives exerted in Wash- 
ington. If members of Congress and Senators were 
given long periods of service, the door of opportunity 
seemed to be closed to the active and ambitious Repub- 
licans of the State. Valuable as Rollins's service was 
to the party and to the State, there were others who 
believed that they could do equally well or better in 
the Senate. The younger generation coming upon the 
stage of action had more intimate association with 
other leaders. Rollins made the mistake so frequent 
with men long in leadership of not recognizing the 
passing influence of older men. Loyal to his friends, 
he stood by them long after they ceased to be of service 
to him or to the party, and not infrequently when they 
were unworthy of his confidence. The revolt against 
caucus action which had been effective in changing 
Senatorial successions in other States made its appear- 
ance in New Hampshire at a time when Rollins was 
seeking a reelection to the Senate. The bolt of the 
Republican Senatorial caucus of 1881 in the State on 



SUMMARY 513 

the ground that the question was constitutional rather 
than political made it easier to bolt in 1883, and really- 
paved the way for setting aside party custom that year. 

When the blow came, Eollins was not prepared for 
it. He had abided caucus action with good gTac© when 
it brought disappointment to him. That the first bolt 
of a Republican Senatorial caucus should be visited 
upon him after his long service for the party savored 
to his mind of base ingratitude. For a time he was 
not without hope that the prevailing sentiment of the 
party would triumph and his election follow. Yet 
when it was apparent that he could not be reelected, he 
withdrew from the contest that some other Republican 
might be chosen. Intense as was his disappointment, 
his loyalty to the party would not permit him to favor 
a course which would prevent a choice of Senator by 
the legislature, leaving ISTew Hampshire partially un- 
represented, and the Republicans without a vote in the 
Senate which they especially needed at that time. 

Had Rollins been in his prime, it is not impossible 
that he would have controlled the situation and ulti- 
mately triumphed. The action of the bolters met with 
no popular approval. The rank and file of the party 
in the State believed Rollins entitled to an election 
and to have been fairly renominated. His withdrawal 
left the party in a quandary. The leaders of the bolt 
preferred Rollins quite as much as they preferred one 
another. A cheerful acceptance of the situation on his 
part would have softened much of the antagonism to 
him then existing. Age and the tremendous strain he 



514 LIFE OF EDWARD H. ROLLINS 

had been under for years robbed Eollins of his usual 
buoyancy and confidence. The sympathy of friends 
intensified his feelings, and his defeat was for a time 
uppermost in his mind. Gradually his thoughts were 
diverted to other matters, and he found pleasure in 
both active business pursuits and the domestic life of 
the fireside. In 1885, when Blair's term in the Senate 
expired, and again in 1887, when a vacancy occurred 
in the Senate by the death of Senator Pike, Kollins's 
friends urged his return to the Senate. He, however, 
made no effort to secure votes or put himself forward 
as a candidate, and the result of these elections brought 
him no disappointment. 

To the old guard now living the thought of Rollins 
brings to memory interesting recollections of the in- 
tense political contests waged in ISTew Hampshire under 
his leadership. Reviewing his career, they are free to 
give praise to his ability, his integrity, and his fidelity 
to the party, the State, and the nation. Few there are 
who would not now say that his defeat for reelection 
to the Senate was a mistake. The causes contributing 
to it are well-nigh forgotten, but the ardent devotion 
of Rollins to the principles of the Republican party, 
his untiring labors to promote the success of those 
principles, and his valuable service as a public servant 
are still held in appreciative remembrance by those 
whom he so often led to victory. 

Measured with the men of his time, he stands out 
conspicuous and successful. Those of his contempo- 
raries who were rivals for political honor approached 



SUMMARY 515 

a public career from other environments than his, and 
they became prominent in the development of other 
talents. Yet in what Rollins made of his opportuni- 
ties, in the part he took in public affairs and in his 
sendee to the people, he was in his sphere of action 
their peer. In the era of his activity, his work was as 
essential to the triumph of the great cause for which 
all battled as the labors of those whose deeds are more 
conspicuously of record. 

In his efforts to make his life a success, Mr. Rollins 
wronged no man, dealt justly by all, and assisted others 
to rise above their environments. He was intensely 
patriotic, and his public spirit was pronounced. As 
a citizen he was loyal to the community. To his neigh- 
bors he was considerate, kind, and helpful. In the 
family circle he was dearly beloved. Whatever the 
obligation resting upon him, he performed well his 
part, turning aside from no responsibility and avoid- 
ing no duty. 



THE END. 



APPENDIX 

DESCENDANTS OF EDWAKD H. KOLLINS 

Edward Wakren Eollins, eldest son, born Novem- 
ber 25, 1850. Twice married, first to Jessie Witter, 
of Denver, Colorado, by whom he had one son, Ashton 
Rollins; and second, to Clara Sherwood, St. Louis, 
Mo., by whom he also had a son, Sherwood Rollins. 

Helen Mary Rollins, only daughter, born September 
4, 1853, married Henry Robinson, of Concord, New 
Hampshire. Their children are, Ethel Rollins,^ Mar- 
jorie Sawyer, Rupert West, Ruth Cora, Helen Natalie, 
Rollins, and Barbara Robinson. 

Charles Montgomery, second son, born February 27, 
1856; died June 25, 1861. 

Frank West Rollins, third son, born February 24, 
1860, married Katharine Wallace Pecker, of Concord, 
New Hampshire. They have one son, Douglas Rollins. 

Montgomery Rollins, fourth son, born August 25, 
1867, married Grace Webster Seavey, of Dover, New 
Hampshire. They have two children, Ellen West Rol- 
lins and Sarah Webster Rollins. 

1 Married William A. Foster, of Concord, New Hampshire. They 
have one child, Helen Foster. 

617 



518 APPENDIX 

OFFICERS OF THE REPUBLICA]^' AND 
DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEES FROM 
1856 TO 1905 

An attempt has been made to compile a list of the 
principal officers of the Republican and Democratic 
State committees from 1856 to the present time. Un- 
fortunately, the records of the committees for the 
greater part of this period cannot be found, and have 
probably been destroyed. The data has been obtained 
almost wholly from newspapers. While these contain 
full information of the membership of the cormnittees 
as a part of the proceedings of State conventions, 
the organization of the committees and their election 
of officers for some reason was not always reported. 
Especially is this true of the organization of the Dem- 
ocratic State committee. iN'early all of the chainnen, 
secretaries, and treasurers of both committees for the 
first half of this period are dead. Inquiries of living 
contemporaries have given some information which it 
was possible to verify, but, in the main, there is only 
a vague tradition of the time when these men served 
who played so important a part in the strenuous cam- 
paigns of N'ew Hampshire. 

The list of officers of the Republican State com- 
mittee is complete, unless the committee had a treas- 
urer in the years 1856 and 185Y, of which there is 
no record. The chairman may have acted as treasurer 
during these two campaigns, as the Republican party 



APPENDIX 519 

was then in its infancy. The list herewith given is, 
therefore, nearly or quite accurate. 

Until early in the seventies there is no record in 
newspapers at the capital of the organization of the 
Democratic State committee. About the only informa- 
tion presented by these newspapers that bears upon 
this subject is what is contained in the proceedings 
of the State conventions. This body was almost in- 
variably called to order by the chairman of the State 
committee. It is, therefore, a safe assumption to con- 
sider this individual as the chairman during the pre- 
vious campaign. Occasionally a call for the various 
conventions is signed by the chairman and secretary 
of the Democratic State committee, but usually by the 
chairman alone. ISTo record of the election of a treas- 
urer of the Democratic State committee is found prior 
to 1876, though it is probable that John M. Hill held 
this position at a much earlier date. It is likely that 
Lewis W. Clark was secretary for more than one year, 
and may have held this position in 1859, Avhen Joseph 
Robinson was chairman. Owing to the intimacy of 
John H. George, John M. Hill, and Lewis W. Clark, 
it is very probable that one of them was secretary when 
George was chairman. In the early years the chair- 
man may have selected his own secretary without the 
formality of an election by the State committee. 
Francis B. Peabody, chairman in 1856, who is still 
living, is unable to recall after this lapse of time who 
served with him as secretary, and he is inclined to 
the opinion that John H. George selected some law 



520 APPENDIX 

student in his office to act in this capacity in the cam- 
paigns he conducted. It is regretted that the records 
are lacking to make this list as complete as that of the 
Republican State committee. 



REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 

1856 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Sylvester Dana, Concord, secretary. 

1857 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Sylvester Dana, Concord, secretary. 

1858 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
William E. Chandler, Concord, secretary. 
Frederick Smyth, Manchester, treasurer. 

1869 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
William E. Chandler, Concord, secretary. 
Thomas L. Tullock, Portsmouth, treasurer. 

1860 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin E. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Thomas L. Tullock, Portsmouth, treasurer. 



APPENDIX 521 

1861 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Thomas L. Tullock, Portsmouth, treasurer. 

1862 
Anthony Colby, New London, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Thomas L. Tullock, Portsmouth, treasurer. 

1863 
Nehemiah G. Ordway, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Thomas L. Tullock, Portsmouth, treasurer. 

1864 
William E. Chandler, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Thomas L. Tullock, Portsmouth, treasurer. 

1865 
William E. Chandler, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1866 
Austin F. Pike, Franklin, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 



522 APPENDIX 

1867 
Austin F. Pike, Franklin, chairman. 
Benjamin Gerrish, Jr., Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

18G8 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin Gerrish, Jr., Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1869 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Wyman Pattee, Enfield, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1870 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Charles H. Roberts, Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1871 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin E. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1872 (Spring Campaign) 
Edward H. Rollins, Concord, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Asa Fowler, Concord, treasurer. 



APPENDIX 52^ 

1872 (Fall Campaign) 
Orrin C. Moore, I^ashua, chainiian. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Asa Fowler, Concord, treasurer. 

1873 
Orrin C. Moore, ^Nashua, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary' . 
Carlos G. Pressey, Concord, treasurer. 

1871 
Daniel Hall, Dover, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Charles H. Eoberts, Concord, treasurer. 

1875 
Daniel Hall, Dover, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
Jolm Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1876 
Daniel Hall, Dover, chairman. 
Benjamin F. Prescott, Epping, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1877 
Elijah M. Topliff, Manchester, chairman. 
George E. Jenks, Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 



524 APPENDIX 

1878 (Spring Campaign) 
Eliijah M. Topliff, Manchester, chairman. 
George E. Jenks, Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1878 (Fall Campaigii) 
Henry H. Huse, Manchester, chairman. 
George E. Jenks, Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1880 
Henry H. Huse, Manchester, chairman. 
George E. Jenks, Concord, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1882 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Frank D. Currier, Canaan, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1881 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Frank D. Currier, Canaan, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1886 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Frank D. Currier, Canaan, secretary. 

John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 



APPENDIX 525 

1888 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Frank D. Currier, Canaan, secretary. 
John Kimball, Concord, treasurer. 

1890 
Frank C. Churchill, Lebanon, chairman. 
Stephen S. Jewett, Laconia, secretary. 
Edgar H. Woodman, Concord, treasurer. 

1892 
Stephen S. Jewett, Laconia, chairman. 
William Tutherly, Concord, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 

1894 

Stephen S. Jewett, Laconia, chairman, 
William Tutherly, Concord, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 

1896 
John A. Spalding, ISTashua, chairman. 
James O. Lyford, Concord, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 

1898 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Louis G. Hoyt, Kingston, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 



526 APPENDIX 

1900 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Thomas F. Clifford, Franklin, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 

1902 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chairman. 
Thomas F. Clifford, Franklin, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 

1904 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Concord, chainnan. 
Thomas F. Clifford, Franklin, secretary. 
William F. Thayer, Concord, treasurer. 



DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEE 

1856 (Spring Campaign) 
Francis B. Peabody, Concord, chairman, 

1856 (Fall Campapign) 
John H. George, Concord, chairman. 

185Y 
John H. George, Concord, chairman. 

1858 
John M. Hill, Concord, chairman. 
Lewis W. Clark, Manchester, secretary. 



APPENDIX 527 



1859 
Joseph Robinson, Concord, chairman. 

1860 
Josiah Minot, Concord, chairman. 
John M. Hill, Concord, secretary. 

1861 

Josiah Minot, Concord, chairman. 
John M. Hill, Concord, secretary. 

1862 
Aaron P. Hughes, Nashua, chairman. 
John M. Hill, Concord, secretary. 

1863 
Josiah Minot, Concord, chairman. 
John M. Hill, Concord, secretary. 

1864 
Lewis W. Clark, Manchester, chairman. 
John M. Hill, Concord, secretary. 

1865 
Lewis W. Clark, Manchester, chairman. 
John M. Hill, Concord, secretary. 

1866 
John M. Hill, Concord, chairman. 



528 APPENDIX 

18 07 
John M. Hill, Concord, chairman. 

1868 
Anson S. Marshall, Concord, chairman. 

1869 
Samuel B. Page, Haverhill, chairman. 
Henry H. Metcalf, Concord, secretary. 

18Y0 
Samuel B. Page, Haverhill, chairman. 
Henry H. Metcalf, Concord, secretary. 

1871 
Lewis W. Clark, Manchester, chairman. 
William M. Thayer, Portsmouth, secretary. 

1872 
John G. Sinclair, Littleton, chairman. 
Henry H. Huse, Manchester, secretary. 

1873 
George F. Putnam, Haverhill, chairman. 
Charles B. Griswold, Lebanon, secretary. 

1874 
George F. Putnam, Haverhill, chairman. 
Charles B. Griswold, Lebanon, secretary. 



APPENDIX 529 

18Y5 
George F. Putnam, Haverhill, chairman. 
Charles H. Smith, Newmarket, secretary. 

1876 
Isaac N. Blodgett, Franklin, chairman. 
William Butterfield, Concord, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1817 
Isaac ]Sr. Blodgett, Franklin, chairman. 
William Butterfield, Concord, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1878 (Spring Campaigii) 
George F. Putnam, Haverhill, chairman. 
Herbert F. ISTorris, Epping, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1878 (Fall Campaign) 
George F. Putnam, Haverhill, chairman. 
Isaac IST. Andrews, Nashua, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1880 
George F, Putnam, Haverhill, chairman. 
Herbert F. Norris, Epping, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 



530 APPENDIX 

1882 
Charles F. Stone, Laconia, chairman. 
Herbert F. Norris, Epping, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1884 
Charles F. Stone, Laconia, chairman, 
l^athaniel E. Martin, Concord, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1886 
Charles F. Stone, Laconia, chairman. 
JSTathaniel E. Martin, Concord, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1888 
Charles F. Stone, Laconia, chairman. 
Frank M. Rollins, Laconia, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1890 
John P. Bartlett, Manchester, chairman. 
James R. Jackson, Littleton, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1892 
John P. Bartlett, Manchester, chairman. 
James P. Jackson, Littleton, secretary. 
John M. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 



APPENDIX 531 

1894 
John T. Amey, Lancaster, chairman. 
Daniel M. White, Peterboro, secretary. 
Howard F. Hill, Concord, treasurer. 

1896 
John T. Aniey, Lancaster, chairman. 
Daniel M. White, Peterboro, secretary. 
Eliphalet S. JSTiitter, Concord, treasurer. 

1898 
John T. Amey, Lancaster, chairman. 
Henry W. George, Barnstead, secretary. 
John M. Mitchell, Concord, treasurer, 

1900 
John T. Amey, Lancaster, chairman. 
Thomas H. Madigan, Jr., Concord, secretary. 
William J. Ahern, Concord, treasurer. 

1902 
l^athaniel E. Martin, Concord, chairman. 
Thomas H. Madigan, Jr., Concord, secretary. 
John P. Goggin, jSTashua, treasurer. 

1904 
Thomas Madigan, Jr., Concord, chairman. 
John P. Bartlett, Manchester, secretary. 
Franklin P. Kellom, Winchester, treasurer. 



ADDENDA 



On page 41, there should be added to list of residents of 
Ward 4, wlio have held State offices, Solon A. Carter, State 
Treasurer, and Irving A. Watson, Secretary of the State Board 
of Health. 

On page 52, " John J. Prentiss of Keene " should read " John 
J. Prentiss of Claremont." 

On page 182 " A. P. Stackpole " should read " P. A. Stack- 
pole." 

On page 373, "Edward K. Mann " should read "Edward F. 
Mann." 

On page 407, " McMillan of Michigan " should read " McMil- 
lan of Minnesota." 

On page 497, " Gilnian Marston of Eeter " should read " Gil 
man Marston of Exeter." 



533 



INDEX 



Abbot, Josiah G., 173. 
Adams, George H., 460. 

James O., 253. 

John Quincy, 208. 

Joseph B., 170. 
Ahern, William J., 531. 
Allen, William H. H., 426. 
Allison, William B., 15, 211. 
Ames, ,Oakes, 217. 
Amey, John T., 531. 
Amidon, Charles J., 68, 358, 459. 
Amsden, Charles H., 458. 
Anderson, George W., 211. 

Joseph, 400, 401. 
Andrew, John A., 15, 155. 
Andrews, E. W., 356. 

Isaac N., 529. 

Rufus F., 168. 
Apgar, Edgar K., 336. 
Arthur, Chester A., 345, 432, 437, 

440, 451, 462, 476, 477, 487. 
Ashley, James M., 121. 
Atherton, Charles G., 88. 

Henry B., 477. 
Ayer, Francis B., 216. 
Ayling, Augustus D., 41. 

Babcock, James F., 208. 
Bailey, Edwin C, 173, 322. 

John H., 216. 

William W., 354. 
Baker, Henry M., 301, 302. 
Balcom, George L., 459. 
Ballantyne, Adam S., 420. 
Ballard, John, 358. 



William, 43, 50, 59. 
Banks, Nathaniel P., 14, 103, 

105, 369. 
Barker, Fred A., 460. 

Lewis, 168. 
Barnard, Daniel, 416. 
Barrows, Lorenzo D., 224, 225, 

234, 236. 
Bartlett, Charles H., 458. 

John P., 530, 531. 
Barton, Levi W., 68, 93, 357, 364, 

393. 
Batchelder, Richard N., 110, 111. 
Batchellor, Albert S., 373. 
Bates, Edward, 102, 103. 
Bayard, Thomas F., 404, 405, 

407, 435. 
Bean, Jacob C, 68, 104. 
Beck, James B., 405, 425. 
Bedel, John, 219, 220, 227, 235, 

236. 
Belford, James B., 237. 
Belknap, William W., 355. 
Bell, Charles H., 303, 305, 318, 

327, 329, 385, 392, 307, 398, 

401, 403, 404, 405, 407, 408, 

409, 415, 416, 417, 422, 425, 

470. 

James, 49, 71. 

John J., 459. 

Samuel D., 117, 118. 

Samuel N., 246, 295, 325, 338. 
Bellows, Henry A., 70. 
Benton, Jacob, 46, 48, 59, 93, 

104, 149, 198, 218, 360, 364. 



635 



536 



INDEX 



Berry, Nathaniel S., 109, 119, 

130, 132, 144. 
Bickford, John C, 420. 

John E., 216. 
Bingham, George A., 16, 78, 417. 
Harry, 16, 183, 203, 227, 321, 
329, 389, 414, 417, 420, 428, 
429, 430, 458, 470. 
John A., 15, 121, 155. 
Blaclsmer, John, 267, 268, 294, 

299, 306, 312. 
Blaine, James G., 15, 289, 355, 
359, 363, 368, 369, 381, 405, 
407, 425, 477, 478. 
Blair, Austin, 211, 

Frank P., 14, 96, 105. 
Henry W., 309, 330, 338, 371, 
373, 391, 412, 415, 430, 448, 
463, 468, 475, 514. 
Montgomery, 14, 208. 
Blaisdell, Daniel, 58. 
Blake, Samuel, 35. 
Blodgett, Isaac N., 322, 426, 529. 
Bouton, Nathaniel, 41. 
Boutwell, George S., 159. 
Bowers, Shepard L., 170. 
Brackett, James S., 68. 

John M., 244. 
Brewer, F. B., 363. 
Brewster, Augustus O., 154, 208, 

336. 
Briggs, James F., 71, 197, 216, 
322, 360, 364, 371, 372, 373, 
393, 415, 416, 459, 460, 461, 
462, 464, 468, 470, 473, 479. 
Bristow, Benjamin F., 369. 
Brown, Alson L., 420. 
B. Gratz, 242. 
Frank P., 358. 
Horace A., 358. 
L. D., 59. 
Warren, 477, 496. 
Warren G., 394, 395. 
Bryant, Napoleon B., 70, 78, 94. 
Buchanan, James, 62, 65. 
Bunker, James, 26. 
Burbank, Barker, 68. 
Burke, Edmund, 47, 48, 200, 227. 



Burleigh, M. C, 67. 
Burlingame, Anson S., 14, 105. 
Burnham, Henry E., 322. 
Burns, Charles H., 359, 371, 392. 

William, 94, 108, 146. 
Burr, C. C, 173, 208. 
Burrows, Joseph, 322. 

Julius C, 15, 337, 356. 
Busiel, Charles A., 373, 374. 

John T., 373,460. 

Lewis F., 373. 
Busteed, Richard, 168. 
Butler, Benjamin F., 15. 

Matthew C, 411. 
Butterfleld, William, 76, 227, 

354, 529. 



Caldwell, John C, 212. 
Cameron, James Donald, 405, 
407, 438. 
Simon, 103. 
Campbell, Charles H., 68, 93, 

459. 
Carpenter, Alonzo P., 42. 

Matthew H., 389, 391, 404, 
405, 407, 425. 
Carr, Clarence E., 374. 
Hannah, 28, 
Moses, 28. 
Carrlgan, Philip, 41. 
Carroll, Lysander H., 234. 
Carter, Solon A., 533. 
Gate, Asa P., 76, 94, 99, 100. 
Chadbourne, Abigail, 27. 

Jonathan, 27. 
Chamberlain, Joseph, 68. 

Levi, 58, 109. 
Chandler, George B., 447. 

William E., 18, 59, 60, 62, 68, 
69, 74, 75, 77, 82, 103, 153, 
154, 164, 165, 166, 169, 171, 
172, 181, 184, 185, 191, 199. 
200, 207, 209, 210, 215, 218, 
220, 221, 222, 223, 227, 228, 
240, 246, 247, 248, 273, 282, 
290, 307, 308, 310, 316, 323, 
346, 369, 390, 391, 415, 420, 



INDEX 



537 



423, 430, 438, 439, 458, 468, 
520, 521. 

Zachai-iah, 14, 290. 
Chase, A. H., 168. 

Amos C, 421. 

Aurin, 68. 

Salmon P., 14, 102, 104, 105, 
167. 
Cheney, Elias H., 464. 

James S., 100. 

Person C, 260, 261, 319, 328, 
329, 334, 339, 354, 355, 357. 

Thomas P., 216, 239. 
Chesley, Lafayette, 394. 
Christie, Daniel M., 46, 47. 
Churchill, Frank C, 525. 
Chirk, Daniel, 46, 47, 48, 58, 71, 

82, 141, 193, 194, 241, 507. 

Joseph B., 477. 
■ Lewis W., 71, 78, 183, 184, 
192, 206, 383, 384, 426, 519, 
526, 527, 528. 
Clarke, John B., 169, 170, 306. 

Samuel G., 132. 

William C, 132, 154. 
Clay, Ithiel E., 311, 420, 459. 
Clement, Amos C, 67. 
Cleveland, E. S., 208. 

Grover, 291, 292, 326, 327, 
429, 447. 
Clifford, Thomas F., 526. 
Clough, Joseph H., 421. 
Cobb, Howell, 50. 
Coburn, John, 332. 
Coclti-ane, George E., 373, 420. 

John, 211. 
Cocke, William, 399, 401. 
Cogswell, Leander W., 317. 
Colby, Anthony, 77, 84, 90, 130, 

172, 521. 

Enoch L., 170. 

Ethan, 85. 

Ira, 359, 420, 459. 
Cole, Benjamin J., 170, 177, 244, 

303, 327. 
Colfax, Schuyler, 121, 158, 162, 

188. 216. 
Collins, Patrick A., 15, 208. 



Colony, Horatio, 326, 385. 
Comings, Albert G., 250. 

Alvah, 68. 
Condit, John, 399, 402. 
Cone, Julius, 498, 499. 
Conkling, Roscoe, 121, 122, 289, 

381, 405, 407, 425, 436, 437. 
Conn, Granville P., 41. 
Cooledge, Cornelius, 421. 
Cooper, Lemuel E., 245, 250, 

267, 268, 294. 
Corning. Charles R., 459. 
Covode, John, 15, 212. 
Cox, Alfred A., 421. 

Samuel S., 121. 
Cragin, Aaron H., 44, 83, 88, 90, 

93, 103, 130, 141, 166, 171, 

172, 194, 212, 232, 237, 238, 

239, 240, 241, 244, 271, 352, 

359, 360, 364, 414, 463. 
Cranfleld, Edward, 26. 
Cresswell, John A. J., 211. 
Cross, David, 51, 81, 93, 109, 

111, 114, 170, 178, 179, 180, 

181, 358. 
Culver, E. D., 105. 
Cummings, George W., 421, 458. 

Greenleaf, 58, 68, 84. 

Horace S., 357, 358. 

William H., 460. 
Currier, Frank D., 231, 449, 450, 

458, 477, 523, 524, 525. 

Moody, 444, 445, 475. 
Curtin, Andrew G., 14, 105. 
Curtis, George William, 369. 

Grovenor A., 421. 
Cutts, Charles, 400, 402. 

Dana, Sylvester, 18, 59, 60, 61, 

68, 69, 520. 
Danforth, Charles P., 68. 
Daniell, Warren F., 322, 329, 

336, 385. 
Davis, David, 379, 405, 407, 425, 

432, 437, 448. 

Jefferson, 128, 151, 168, 451. 
Dawes, Henry L., 15, 121, 122, 

233, 236, 237, 308, 309, 380. 



538 



INDEX 



Dean, Henry Clay, 208. 
Deering, Arthur, 340, 341, 346. 
Devereau, G. H., 173. 
Dewey, George, 500, 501. 
Dickerman, M. W., 358. 
Dickey, A. M., 173. 
Dillingham, Paul, 168. 
Doane, William C, 168, 184. 
Doe, Charle.s. 212, 328, 343, 344, 

345, 346, 362, 415, 426, 496. 
Dole, Charles A., 420, 431. 
Donnelly, Ignatius, 212. 
Doolittle, James R., 14, 208. 
Douglas, Stephen A., 14. 
Douglass, Frederick, 15, 337. 
Drake, Benjamin F., 459. 
Drew, Irving W., 458. 
Drown, Albert H., 59. 
Duncan, William H., 167. 
Dunnell, Mark H., 168. 
Durkee, Ruel, 44, 68, 247, 271, 

319. 

Eastman, Albert L., 420. 

Edwin G., 358. 

Ira A., 108, 146, 156, 167, 
174, 176, 219. 

Joel, 46, 47, 93, 103, 109, 149. 

Samuel C, 42. 459. 
Eaton, Hosea, 68. 

William W., 15, 167, 405, 408, 
425. 
Edgerly, James A., 459. 

Martin V. B., 446, 453, 454, 
455, 456. 
Edmunds, George F., 429. 
Edwards, Supply W., 140. 

Thomas M., 46. 47, 48, 71, 73, 
90, 93, 122, 149, 171, 172. 
Ela, Jacob H., 70. 71, 177, 198, 

218. 
Emery, James W., 46, 58. 322, 

327, 333. 
Everett. George W., 59, 68. 
Ewing, Thomas, Jr., 14, 208. 

Fairbanks. George H., 421. 
Farr. Evarts W., 393. 416, 447. 



Faulkner, Charles S., 215. 

F. A., 68. 
Fenton, Reuben E., 121. 
Fessenden, William P., 103. 
Field, A. P., 174. 
Fitch, Thomas, 237. 
Fitzgerald, John E., 208. 
Flanders, B. F., 155. 
Fletcher, Josiah M., 456. 
Flint, Samuel, 226, 235, 236. 
Fogg, Andrew J., 226. 
Fogg, George G., 41, 57, 58, 79, 

91, 94, 99, 102, 104, 105, 114. 

191, 216, 218, 220, 222, 227, 

230, 232, 234, 238, 243, 248, 

249, 259, 260, 261, 265, 269, 

316, 317, 318, 507. 
Folsom, George P., 58. 
Foss, John, 294. 
Foster, David, 195. 

Helen, 517. 

Joshua L., 207. 

William A., 517. 

William L., 42, 426. 
Fowle, Seth W., 35. 
Fowler, Asa, 42, 274, 522, 523. 
Fremont, John C, 62, 102, 104. 
French, Henry, 307. 
Frink. John S. H., 371. 
Frost, George S., 420. 

Margaret, 27. 
Frye, William P., 15, 395. 



Gafney, Charles B., 287, 288. 
Gage, George E., 459. 

John H., 58. 
Gale, Benjamin F., 358. 
Gallagher, James, 167. 
Gallinger, Jacob H., 41, 231, 296, 

370, 449, 452, 453, 454, 524, 

525, 526. 
Gantt, B. W., 167. 
Garfield. James A., 15, 160, 356, 

436, 437, 438, 462. 
Garrison, William L., 133. 
Gault, Jesse, 359. 
George, John H., 16, 41, 42, 55, 



INDEX 



541 



Lovell, Bolivar, 343. 
Lovering, James W., 51, 67, 70. 
Lyford, James O., 41, 525. 
Lyman, John D., 149, 177, 322, 
348. 

McCaine, Daniel, 68. 
McCutchlns, Luther, 303, 305, 

313, 318, 327, 329. 
McDaniel, John, 34. 
McDonald, Joseph E., 405, 407, 

425. 
McDiififee, Charles D., 447. 
McFarland, Henry, 239, 278, 279, 

280. 
McKiean, Frank A., 329, 371, 

385, 394, 395. 
McKinley, William A., 327, 447. 
McLean, John, 102, 103. 
McMillan, Samuel J. R., 405, 

407. 
McPherson, Edward, 184. 
Madigan, Thomas H., Jr., 531. 
Mahone, William, 432, 433, 437, 

448. 
Mann, Edward P., 373, 421. 

George W., 420. 
Marcy, Daniel, 94, 108, 146, 147, 

156, 158, 183, 322, 354, 355, 

371, 373, 385. 
Marshall, Anson S., 207, 213, 

528. 
Marston, George. 123. 

George W., 359. 

Gilman. 47, 93, 101, 116, 122, 
125, 139, 143, 149, 170, 171, 
172, 176, 177, 185, 186, 189, 
193, 194. 198, 237, 240, 271, 
272, 274, 327, 328, 343, 357, 
371, 413, 415, 420, 429, 430, 
459, 460, 464, 408, 470, 473, 
478, 497. 
Martin, Benjamin, 103. 

Nathaniel E., 530, 531. 
Mason. Jeremiah, 400. 

Larkin D., 67, 303, 314, 316, 
318, 319. 

Samuel K., 294, 299. 



Mathewson, George, 103. 
May, Amasa, 68. 
Maynard, Horace, 15, 211. 
Meader, S. C, 358. 

John E., 459. 
Means, Charles T., 459. 
Merrill, Joshua C, 340. 

Sherburne R., 421. 
Meserve, Arthur L., 446. 
Messer, Frederic G., 68. 
Metcalf, Henry H., 219, 528. 

Ralph, 44. 
Millard, J. H., 363. 
Miner, Alonzo A., 224. 
Minot, George, 41. 

Josiah, 227, 479, 527. 
Mitchell, John M., 41, 373, 531. 
Montgomery, Frederick, 168. 
Moore, Orrin C, 217, 218, 264, 

285, 288, 289, 295, 297, 306, 

316, 317, 318, 319, 329, 353, 

356. 357, 360, 361, 364, 371, 

413, 415, 465, 523. 

Joseph C, 421. 
Morgan, Francis H., 104. 
Morrill, John, 327. 

Justin S., 121. 122, 380. 

Lot M., 15, 155. 
Morrison, Charles R., 192. 

George W., 65, 67, 78. 

J. P., 67. 

Robert, 108. 
Morse, Joseph P., 67, 84. 
Morton, Marcus, 13. 

Oliver P., 389. 
Moses, George H.. 41. 
Motley. John Lothrop, 249. 
Mugridge. John Y., 59, 61, 62. 
Mullins, James, 211. 
Murphy, Charles M., 338. 

Nesmith, George W., 59, 71, 90, 

93, 244. 
Newell, William P., 358. 
Norris, Herbert F., 373, 394, 

447, 529, 530. 

William T., 78. 
Northend. William, 154. 



542 



INDEX 



William D., 167, 173. 
Noyes, Edward F., 15, 356. 
Nute, Alonzo, 359, 497. 

E., 78. 

Eugene P., 459. 
Nutter. Elizabeth S., 531. 
Nye, James W., 15, 77, 82, 211, 

237. 

O'Gorman, Richard, 15, 208. 

Ogden, Aaron, 399. 

Oglesby, Richard, 15, 356. 

Ordway, Nehemiah G., 68, 73, 
74, 75, 84, 103, 105, 118, 153, 
164, 165, 181, 184, 185, 191, 
195, 199, 200, 209, 210, 211, 
212, 218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 
227, 228, 240, 265, 272, 274, 
316, 317, 318, 334, 343, 348, 
358, 371, 521. 

Orr, James L., 50. 

Osgood, Edward, 195. 
R. C, 36. 

Page. Samuel B., 219, 252, 528. 
Parker, Ho^ea W., 219, 246, 295, 

393. 

John M., 421. 

Theodore, 133. 

Walter, 459. 
Parrott, M. J., 96. 
Pattee, Lemuel N., 103, 109. 

Wyman, 217. 358, 522. 
Patten, William C, 71. 
Patterson, James W., 149, 157, 

158, 181, 186, 189, 190, 193, 

194, 264, 265, 269, 270, 271, 

272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 290, 

294, 295, 392, 415, 463, 468, 

469, 470. 

Joab N., 41. 
Peabody, Francis B., 50, 519, 

526. 
Pearson, John H., 48, 227. 
Peavey, George C, 67. 
Pecker, Katharine Wallace, see 

Katharine W. Rollins. 



Pendleton, George H., 121, 122 
Perkins, Benjamin F., 458. 

Hamilton E., 59. 
Perley, Ira, 42, 86, 131, 172. 
Perrin, E. O., 208. 
Peters, William H., 35. 
Pettingill, Benjamin, 58. 
Peverly, James, 59. 
Phelps, Charles A., 105. 

Charles E.. 208. 
Pierce, Elbridge, 496. 

Frank H., 373. 

Franklin, 41, 47, 48, 49, 89, 
96, 227, 354, 479, 504. 
Pike, Austin F., 58, 68, 86, 103, 

111, 181, 184, 195, 204, 285, 

294, 299, 307, 325, 327, 330, 

331, 369, 371, 473, 474, 514, 

521, 522. 

Chester, 393, 458. 

James, 44, 83, 88, 90, 243, 
244, 245, 250, 261. 

John G., 32. 
Pillsbury, Eben F., 208. 

Oliver, 41, 358. 

William S., 358. 
Plumor, Ebenezer, 28. 

Mary, 28. 

William, 28. 
Polk, James K., 47. 
Poore, Ben Perley, 441. 
Porter, Horace, 289, 290. 
Pratt, Henry O., 356. 
Pray, Thomas M., 459. 
Prentiss. John J., 46, 51, 52, 53, 

54, 68, 90. 
Prescott, Benjamin F., 82, 130, 

191, 265, 295, 303, 306, 319, 

327, 332, 369, 370, 373, 383, 

384, 385, 397, 415, 447, 520, 

521, 522, 523. 

William H., 499, 500. 
Pressey, Carlos G., 295, 523. 
Priest, James, 340, 341, 346. 
Proctor, John, 341, 346. 
Putnam. George F., 297, 307, 

326, 336, 417, 528, 529. 

William, 496. 



INDEX 



543 



Putney, Henry M., 296, 307, 430, 
461, 462. 

Quimby, Ellhu T., 420, 431. 
Quint, Alonzo H., 420, 431, 446, 
459, 464, 496. 

Rand, C. W., 281. 

Edward D., 132. 

Thomas C, 359. 
Rawlins, see Rollins. 
Ray, John C, 420. 

Ossian, 359, 393, 416, 446, 468. 
Reed, Thomas B., 459, 509. 
Riddleberger, Harrison H., 433, 

435. 
Rice, Benjamin F., 389. 
Richards, Dexter, 303. 
Richardson, William A., 154. 
Rixford, William H., 73. 
Roberts, Charles H., 153, 231, 

306, 522, 523. 

Hiram R., 192, 206, 304, 305, 
308, 325. 329, 339, 354. 
Robertson, William H., 436, 437. 
Robinson, Barbara, 517. 

Cyrus, 59. 

Ethel Rollins, 517. 

Helen M., 37, 517. 

Helen Natalie, 517. 

Henry, 420, 423, 431, 458, 517. 

Joseph, 519, 527. 

Mar.jorie Sawyer, 517. 

Rollins, 517. 

Rupert West, 517. 

Ruth Cora, 517. 
■Roles, Joseph Q., 322. 420, 460. 
Rollins, Abigail Wentworth, 27. 

Ashton, 517. 

Charles, 35. 

Charles Montgomery, 37, 517. 

Clara Sherwood, 517. 

Daniel, 28, 496. 

Douglas, 517. 

Edward Ashton. 120, 198. 496. 
Rollins, Edward H., political con- 
ditions in New Hampshire, 11- 

16 ; ancestry. 22-27 ; birth, 28 ; 



education, 32-33 ; early busi- 
ness life, 34-36 ; marriage, 37 ; 
children, 37 ; entrance into pol- 
itics, 38 ; opponent of slavery, 
40 ; Knownothing parly, 43, 
44 ; candidate for State legisla- 
ture, 43 ; election, 46 ; cam- 
paign of 1856, 49 ; election and 
candidacy for Speaker, 50-56 ; 
organization of Fremont Club, 
58-60 ; chairman State commit- 
tee, 61 ; campaign speeches, 62 ; 
Republican party organized, 66- 
69 ; campaign of 1857, chair- 
man State committee, 69 ; re- 
nominated for Speaker, 70 ; 
political alliance with Chandler 
and Ordway, 74, 75 ; cam- 
paign of 1858, chairman of 
State committee, 76-79 ; first 
visit to Washington, 79 ; can- 
didate for Congress, 90-93; let- 
ters to Coos RepuhUcan, 97-99 ; 
campaign of 1860, chairman 
State committee, 99-102 ; cham- 
pion of Lincoln's nomination, 
103 ; delegate to National con- 
vention, 103 ; campaign of 
1861, 109 ; candidate for Con- 
gress, 109; nomination. 111; 
comments of State newspapers, 
111-115; style of speaking, 
118 ; member thirty-seventh 
Congress, 121 ; committee as- 
signments, 122 ; visit to battle- 
field of Bull Run, 123, 124-127 ; 
retires from chairmanship of 
State committee, 129 ; hostility 
to slavery, 133 ; first speeches 
in Congress, 133-138 ; com- 
ments on same, 138, 139 ; apti- 
tude for details of legislation, 
139 ; interest in constituents, 
140-143 ; renomination for Con- 
gress, 150 ; election to thirty- 
eighth Congress, 157 ; commit- 
tee assignments, 158 ; Speaker 
pro tern., 160-163 ; candidate 



644 



INDEX 



for Senate, 171 ; withdrawal of 
name, 172 ; third nomination 
to Congress, 180 ; funeral of 
Lincoln, 187 ; Lincoln's last 
oflBclal signature, 188 ; member 
thirty - ninth Congress, 189; 
committee assignments, 189 ; 
interest in District of Colum- 
bia, 190 ; candidate for Senate, 
193 ; speech at Congressional 
convention, 1866, 196 ; returns 
to chairmanship State commit- 
tee, campaign of 1868, 207 ; 
remarkable campaign work, 
209-215 ; elected assistant treas- 
urer Union Pacific Railroad, 
217 ; elected to chairmanship 
of State committee. 1870, 228 : 
hostility of party leaders and 
rivals, 228-232 ; candidate for 
Senate, 237-241 ; campaign of 
1871, 242 - 249 ; reorganizes 
party, jealousy and attack of 
party leaders, 255-269 ; candi- 
date for Senate, 270-274 ; con- 
nection with Union Pacific 
Railroad, 278-280 : resignation 
as chairman State committee, 
285 ; continued interest in poli- 
tics, 286-290 ; investigation of 
Union Pacific Railroad, 292- 
293 ; appealed to by candidates 
for office. 300-302 ; correspond- 
ence with Larkin D. Mason, 
315-320 ; defeat of Republican 
party, 303-314 ; returns to 
State campaign work, 1875, 
331 ; restores party to suprem- 
acy in State, 332-357 : candi- 
date for United States Senate 
and nomination, 358-364 ; com- 
ments of press, 366-368 ; mem- 
ber forty-fifth Congress, com- 
mittee assignments, 375 ; serv- 
ice for banks, 376-381 : member 
forty-sixth Congress, 397 ; de- 
bate on Bell's admission to 
Senate, 398-409 : speeolies in 



Senate, 410, 411 ; attempt to 
settle Senatorial succession, 
417-431 ; member forty-seventh 
Congress, 432-443 ; tribute of 
Ben Perley Poore, 441-442 ; 
last campaign, 450-456 ; can- 
didate for reelection, 457 ; hos- 
tility of rivals and bolt of cau- 
cus, 458-470 ; withdrawal of 
name, 471 ; social life in Wash- 
ington, 476 ; delegate to na- 
tional convention, 477 ; retire- 
ment from politics, business 
interests. 479, 480 ; social in- 
terests, 482 ; illness and death, 
482, 483 : tribute, 483 ; family 
life and personal traits, 488- 
503 : summary of life, 504-515 ; 
descendants, 517 ; chairman 
State committee, 520-522. 
Edward H., Mrs., 37, 476, 489, 

491, 493. 
Edward Warren, 37, 188, 517. 
Elizabeth, 26, 27. 
Elizabeth W., 28. 
Ellen Elizabeth West, see Mrs. 

Edward H. Rollins. 
Ellen West, 517. 
Frank West, 31, 37, 41, 480, 

489, 517. 
Frank M., 530. 
Grace Webster Seavey, 517. 
Hannah, 24, 26. 
Hannah Carr, 28. 
Helen Mary, see Helen M. Rob- 
inson. 
Ichabod, 25, 26, 27. 
James, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28. 
James G., 28. 
James Wlngate, 33. 
Jeremiah, 26, 27. 
Jessie Witter, 517. 
John F., 22, 28, 36. 
Katharine Wallace Pecker, 517. 
Lucy G., 28. 
Margaret Frost, 27. 
Mary Plumer, 28. 
Montgomery, 37, 488, 490, 517. 



INDEX 



545 



Samuel W., 85. 

Sarah Webster, 517. 

Sherwood, 517. 

Thomas, 26. 

William A., 28. 

William W., 36. 
Ross, Lewis W., 208. 

Richard N., 67. 
Rotch, Albert A., 420. 
Russell, C. T., 173. 

Thomas, 78. 

William A., 494. 

Sanborn, Charles P., 342, 343, 

347, 358, 364. 

Edward B. S., 322, 420, 460. 

John W., 16, 348, 349, 417. 

Peter, 59. 
Sargent, Aaron A., 122. 

Jonathan E., 390. 
Sawyer, Charles H., 358, 477, 

496. 

Frederick A., 237. 

Luther D., 67. 

Thomas E., 170, 177, 186. 
Schurz, Carl. 242. 
Scott, Charles, 358. 

WMnfield, 38, 123. 
Seavey, Grace Webster, see Grace 

Webster Seavey Rollins. 

J. F., 421, 422, 458, 496. 
Sevier, Ambrose H., 401, 402, 

403. 
Seward, William H.. 102, 104. 
Shaw, Albert M., 420. 
Shepard, Alexander R., 272. 
Sherwood, Clara, see Clara Sher- 
wood Rollins. 
Shirley, John M., 78. 
Sickles, Daniel E., 15. 211, 267. 
Sinclair, John G., 16, 46, 192, 

193, 200, 201. 202, 203, 204, 

206, 207, 213, 321, 329, 414, 

528. 
Sise, William H., 459. 
Slack, Charles W., 155. 
Small, William B., 246, 264, 294, 

299. 327, 334. 



Smith, Alvah, 58, 254. 

Charles H., 373, 529. 

Isaac W., 383, 384, 426. 

Jeremiah E., 459. 

Samuel, 400, 402. 

Waterman, 420. 
Smyth, Frederick, 68, 70, 99, 

147, 178, 182, 186, 191, 193, 

199, 200, 237, 241, 520. 
Snow, Edwin, 460. 
Spalding, Edward, 170. 

John A., 525. 
Spaulding, George A., 496, 503. 
Spear, Henry A., 58, 67. 
Spofford, Richard S., 154. 
Stackpole, P. A., 182. 
Stanley, Clinton W., 426. 
Stanton, Edwin M., 140, 142, 

212. 
Stark, George, 109, 119, 130, 131, 

132. 
Stearns, Onslow, 41, 147, 169, 

170, 178, 182, 184, 199, 200, 

203, 207, 216, 217, 220, 224, 
226, 227, 236, 242, 270, 271, 
272, 274, 360, 364. 

Steele, David, 103. 

Stephens, Thaddeus, 121. 

Stevens, Aaron F., 51, 52, 53, 
59, 70, 71, 93, 109, 111, 116, 
195, 196, 197, 218, 237, 240, 
241, 246, 247, 248, 264, 274, 

204, 325, 357, 360, 364, 413, 
414, 415, 420, 430, 459, 460, 
464, 468, 470, 473, 478. 
George W., 71, 78, 132. 
Lyman D., 38. 

William E., 331, 356. 389. 
Stokes, William B., 211. 
Stone, Charles F., 446, 447, 460, 

530. 
Stowell. George H., 348, 349, 

417. 
Straw, Ezekiel A., 71, 244, 262, 

265, 268, 269, 291, 293, 299, 

303, 334, 335, 359. 
Streeter, Frank S., 41. 
Sullivan, John, 85, 130. 



546 



INDEX 



SuUoway, Cyrus A., 307, 394, 

305. 

Alvah W., 322, 371, 372, 394, 

417. 
Sumner, Charles, 249, 250, 389. 
Sweetser, T. H., 154. 
Swift, John L., 337. 

Taggart, David A., 459. 
Talpey, Charles W., 421, 497. 
Tappan, Mason W., 44, 46, 47, 

48, 83, 84, 88, 90, 93. 95, 96, 

101, 111, 113, 116, 166, 177, 

215, 216, 237, 239, 240, 241, 

244, 263, 264, 265, 269, 270, 

272, 274, 290, 291, 294, 316, 

317, 318, 343, 415, 468, 470. 
Tarbox, James K., 208, 336. 
Tenney, S. W., 356. 
Tenny, Allen, 118. 
Thayer, James S., 208. 

William F., 525, 526. 

William M., 528. 
Thompson, Ai B., 41. 

George, 172. 

John A., 208. 

John H., 68. 

John L., 211. 
Thurman, Allan G., 389, 407, 

429. 
Tibbits, J. A., 363. 

Mary, 26. 
Tilden, Samuel J., 369. 
Todd, George E., 341, 347, 348, 

349. 

William C, 459. 
Topliff, Elijah M., 215, 358, 371, 

523. 524. 
Towle, George S., 68. 

George H., 421. 
Tracy, Uriah, 399, 401. 
Treat, John S., 421. 
Truesdale, Edmund E., 420. 
Tuck, Amos, 58, 61, 66. 67, 71, 

72, 73, 77, 90, 103, 104, 105, 

148, 171, 172, 191, 194, 507. 
Tullock, Thomas L., 46, 67, 520, 

521. 



Tutherly, William, 525. 
Tuttle, Hiram A., 322. 

Underwood, John C, 96. 
Upham, Nathaniel G., 181. 
Upton, Samuel, 109, 281. 

Vallandingham, Clement L», 121. 
Van Wyck, Charles H., 105, 121, 

122, 237. 
Vaughan, Edward A., 216. 
Vaux, Richard, 208. 
Voorhees, Daniel W., 14, 15, 121, 

122, 208, 267. 

Wade, Benjamin F., 103, 205. 
Wadleigh, Bainbridge, 46, 48, 59, 
Wells, Christopher H., 420, 459. 

84, 127, 257, 274, 275, 304, 

389, 391, 392, 397, 398, 403, 

405, 407, 412, 413, 415, 424, 

425, 430, 463. 

Elijah, 67. 
Walker, Horton D., 244, 262. 

Timothy, 27. 
Wallace, Edwin, 459. 

William A., 425. 
Wallingford, Abigail Chadbourne, 

27. 

George W., 27. 

Samuel, 27. 
Watson, Irving A., 533. 
Walton, C. W., 105. 
Warde, David A.. 303, 306. 
Warren, O. B., 858. 
Washburn. Henry D., 212. 

Israel, 105, 155. 
Washburne, Elihu B., 121, 161, 

266. 
Wason, George A., 458. 
Waterhouse, William E., 231. 
Watson, Irving W., 420. 
Webster, Sydney, 96. 
Weed. William M., 46, 58, 67, 86, 

358. 
Weeks, Andrew, 35. 

Joseph D., 420. 
Weller, John B., 50. 



INDEX 



547 



Wells, Christopher H., 420, 

459. 

John S., 65, 77, 90, 91. 
Wentworth, Abigail, 27. 

Benjamin, 27. 
West, Ellen Elizabeth, sec Mrs. 

Edward H. Rollins. 

John, 37. 

Nancy M., 37. 
Westgate, William F., 460. 
Weston, James A., 226, 245, 250, 

261, 262, 267, 268, 293, 299. 

305, 306, 308, 312, 341, 346, 

347, 354, 355, 383. 

William A., 267, 268. 
Wheeler, Benjamin R., 458. 

John, 858. 

Paul J., 130, 132. 

Samuel M., 132, 176, 177, 
198, 246, 274. 

William A., 121, 122. 

William P., 65. 
Whidden, Benjamin F., 359. 
White, Daniel M., 531. 

John H., 58. 

Nathaniel, 318, 330, 331, 339, 
359. 



Whitehouse, Charles S., 330, 

337, 338, 360, 364, 459, 464, 

497. 
Whittemore, Jacob B., 460. 
Williams, John, 400, 401. 

William, 212. 
Wilson, Henry, 14, 103, 105, 132, 

211, 267, 285. 

James F., 267, 363. 
Windom, William, 122. 
Witter, Jessie, see Jessie Witter 

Rollins. 
Wood, James A., 231, 306, 307, 

332. 
Woodbury, Charles Levi, 154, 

208. 

John F., 456. 

Levi, 438. 
Woodman, Charles C, 78, 82, 95. 
Woods, George S., 211. 
Woolson, Augustus A., 358. 
Wright, Isaac H., 96. 
Wyatt, Oliver, 337. 

Young, Aaron, 496. 

Andrew H., 447, 461, 462, 496, 
Jacob, 497. 



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